NAPOLEON'S 

CAMPAIGN  IN  RUSSIA 

ANNO  1812 

MEDICO-HISTORICAL 


BY 

Dr.    A.    ROSE 


WITH  ILLUSTRATIONS  BY  O.   MERTE,   TAKEN  FROM  YELIN 
'-IN  RUSSLAND,  iS/s." 


PUBLISHED  BY 

THE    AUTHOR 

173  LEXINGTON  AVE.,  NEW  YORK 

1913 


Copyright,  1913, 

BY 

ACHILLES   ROSE,   M.D. 


PREFACE 

There  is  no  campaign  in  the  history  of  the  world 
which  has  left  such  a  deep  impression  upon  the  heart 
of  the  people  than  that  of  Napoleon  in  Russia,  Anno 
1812. 

Of  the  soldiers  of  other  wars  who  had  not  come 
home  it  was  reported  where  they  had  ended  on  the  field 
of  honor.  Of  the  great  majority  of  the  600  thousand 
who  had  crossed  the  Niemen  in  the  month  of  June 
Anno  1812,  there  was  recorded  in  the  list  of  their 
regiments,  in  the  archives  "  Disappeared  during  the 
Retreat "  and  nothing  else. 

When  the  few  who  had  come  home,  those  hollow 
eyed  specters  with  their  frozen  hands,  were  asked 
about  these  comrades  who  had  disappeared  during  the 
retreat,  they  could  give  no  information,  but  they  would 
speak  of  endless,  of  never  heard  of  sufferings  in  the 
icy  deserts  of  the  north,  of  the  cruelty  of  the  Cossacks, 
of  the  atrocious  acts  of  the  Moushiks  and  the  peasants 
of  Lithuania,  and,  worst  of  all,  of  the  infernal  acts  of 
the  people  of  Wilna.  And  it  would  break  the  heart  of 
those  who  listened  to  them. 

There  is  a  medical  history  of  the  hundreds  of  thou- 
sands who  have  perished  Anno  1812  in  Russia  from 
cold,  hunger,  fatigue  or  misery. 

Such  medical  history  cannot  be  intelligible  without 
some  details  of  the  history  of  events  causing  and  sur- 

iii 

293681 


rounding  the  deaths  from  cold  and  hunger  and  fatigue. 
And  such  a  history  I  have  attempted  to  write. 

Casting  a  glance  on  the  map  on  which  the  battle 
fields  on  the  march  to  and  from  Moscow  are  marked, 
we  notice  that  it  was  not  a  deep  thrust  which  the  attack 
of  the  French  army  had  made  into  the  colossus  of 
Russia.  From  the  Niemen  to  Mohilew,  Ostrowno, 
Polotsk,  Krasnoi,  the  first  time,  Smolensk,  Walutina, 
Borodino,  Conflagration  of  Moscow,  and  on  the  retreat 
the  battles  of  Winkonow,  Jaroslawetz,  Wiasma,  Vop, 
Krasnoi,  the  second  time,  Beresina,  Wilna,  Kowno; 
this  is  not  a  great  distance,  says  Paul  Holzhausen  in 
his  book  "  Die  Deutschen  in  Russland  1812  "  but  a 
great  piece  of  history. 

Holzhausen,  whose  book  has  furnished  the  most 
valuable  material  of  which  I  could  avail  myself  besides 
the  dissertation  of  von  Scherer,  the  book  of  Beaupre 
and  the  report  of  Krantz,  and  numerous  monographs, 
has  brought  to  light  valuable  papers  of  soldiers  who 
had  returned  and  had  left  their  remembrances  of  life 
of  the  soldiers  during  the  Russian  campaign  to  their 
descendants  and  relatives  who  had  kept  these  papers  a 
sacred  inheritance  during  one  hundred  years. 

The  picture  in  the  foreground  of  all  histories  of  the 
Russian  campaign  is  the  shadow  of  the  great  warrior 
who  led  the  troops,  in  whose  invincibility  all  men  who 
followed  him  Anno  181 2  believed  and  by  whom  they 
stood  in  their  soldier's  honor,  with  a  constancy  without 
equal,  a  steadfastness  which  merits  our  admiration. 

Three  fourths  of  the  whole  army  belonged  to  nations 
whose  real  interests  were  in  direct  opposition  to  the 
war  against  Russia.  Notwithstanding  that  many  were 
aware  of  this  fact,  they  fought  as  brave  in  battle  as  if 
their  own  highest  interests  were  at  stake.    All  wanted 

iv 


to  uphold  their  own  honor  as  men  and  the  honor  of 
their  nations.  And  no  matter  how  the  individual 
soldier  was  thinking  of  Napoleon,  whether  he  loved  or 
hated  him,  there  was  not  a  single  one  in  the  whole 
army  who  did  not  have  implicit  confidence  in  his  talent. 
Wherever  the  Emperor  showed  himself  the  soldiers 
believed  in  victory,  where  he  appeared  thousands  of 
men  shouted  from  the  depth  of  their  heart  and  with  all 
the  power  of  their  voices  Vive  l'Empereur ! 

A  wild  martial  spirit  reigned  in  all  lands,  the  bloody 
sword  did  not  ask  why  and  against  whom  it  was  drawn. 
To  win  glory  for  the  own  army,  the  own  colors  and 
standards  was  the  parole  of  the  day.  All  the  masses 
of  different  nations  felt  as  belonging  to  one  great  whole 
and  were  determined  to  act  as  such. 

And  all  this  has  to  be  considered  in  a  medical  history 
of  the  campaign  Anno  1812. 

Throughout  Germany,  Napoleon  is  the  favorite 
hero.  In  the  homes  of  the  common  people,  in  the 
huts  of  the  peasants,  there  are  pictures  ornamenting 
the  walls,  engravings  which  have  turned  yellow  from 
age,  the  frames  of  which  are  worm  eaten.  These 
pictures  represent  a  variety  of  subjects,  but  rarely 
are  there  pictures  missing  of  scenes  of  the  life  of 
Napoleon.  Generally  they  are  divided  into  fields, 
and  in  the  larger  middle  field  you  see  the  hero  of 
small  stature,  on  a  white  horse,  from  his  fallow  face 
the  cold  calculating  eyes  looking  into  a  throng  of 
bayonets,  lances,  bearskin  caps,  helmets,  and  proud 
eagles.  The  graceful  mouth,  in  contrast  to  the  strong 
projecting  chin,  modifies  somewhat  the  severity  of 
this  face,  a  face  of  marble  of  which  it  has  been  said 
that  it  gave  the  impression  of  a  field  of  death,  and 
the  man  with  this  face  is  accustomed  to  conquer,  to 

v 


reign,  to  destroy.  He  is  the  inexorable  God  of  war 
himself,  not  in  glittering  armour,  but  in  a  plain  uni- 
form ornamented  with  one  single  order  for  personal 
bravery.  The  tuft  of  hair  on  his  high  and  broad  fore- 
head is  like  a  sign  of  everlasting  scorn.  A  gloomy, 
dreadfully  attractive  figure.  In  some  of  the  pictures 
we  see  him  in  his  plain  gray  overcoat  and  well-known 
hat,  surrounded  by  marshals  in  splendid  dress  parade, 
forming  a  contrast  to  the  simplicity  of  their  master, 
on  some  elevation  from  which  he  looks  into  burning 
cities;  again  we  see  him  unmoved  by  dreadful  sur- 
roundings, riding  through  battle  scenes  of  horror. 

Over  my  desk  hangs  such  an  old  steel  engraving, 
given  to  me  by  an  old  German  lady  who  told  me  that 
her  father  had  thought  a  great  deal  of  it.  On  Sat- 
urdays he  would  wash  the  glass  over  the  other  pictures 
with  water,  but  for  washing  the  Napoleon  picture  he 
would  use  alcohol. 

Before  this  man  kings  have  trembled,  innumerable 
thousands  have  cheerfully  given  their  blood,  their 
lives;  this  man  has  been  adored  like  a  God  and 
cursed  like  a  devil.  He  has  been  the  fate  of  the 
world  until  his  hour  struck.  Many  say  providence 
had  selected  him  to  castigate  the  universe  and  its  en- 
slaved peoples.  A  great  German  historian,  Ger- 
vinus,  has  said :  "  He  was  the  greatest  benefactor 
of  Germany  who  removed  the  gloriole  from  the  heads 
crowned  by  the  grace  of  God."  He  accomplished  great 
things  because  he  had  great  power,  he  committed 
great  faults  because  he  was  so  powerful.  Without 
his  unrestricted  power  he  could  not  have  accom- 
plished one  nor  committed  the  other. 

History  is  logic.  Whenever  great  wrongs  prevail, 
some  mighty  men  appear  and  arouse  the  people,  and 

vi 


these  extraordinary  men  are  like  the  storm  in  winter 
which  shatters  and  breaks  what  is  rotten,  preparing 
for  spring. 

The  German  school  boy,  when  he  learns  of  the 
greatest  warriors  and  conquerors,  of  Alexander  the 
Great,  of  Julius  Caesar,  is  most  fascinated  when 
he  hears  the  history  of  the  greatest  of  all  the  war- 
riors of  the  world,  the  history  of  Napoleon,  and  he 
is  spellbound  reading  the  awfully  beautiful  histories 
concerning  his  unheard  of  deeds,  his  rise  without  ex- 
ample, and  his  sudden  downfall. 

And  he,  the  great  man,  the  soldier-emperor,  he 
rides  on  his  white  horse  in  the  boy's  dreams,  just 
as  depicted  on  the  engravings  upon  which  the  boys 
look  with  a  kind  of  holy  awe. 

The  son  of  a  Corsican  lawyer,  becoming  in  early 
manhood  the  master  of  the  world,  what  could  inflame 
youthful  fiction  more  than  this  wonderful  career? 

All  great  conquerors  come  to  a  barrier.  Alex- 
ander, when  he  planned  to  subdue  India,  found  the 
barrier  at  the  Indus.  Caesar  found  it  at  the  Thames 
and  at  the  Rhine.  Our  hero's  fate  was  to  be  fulfilled 
at  Moscow.  His  insatiable  thirst  to  rule  had  led  him 
into  Russia.  He  stood  at  the  height  of  his  power 
and  glory.  Holland,  Italy,  a  part  of  Germany,  were 
French,  and  Germany  especially  groaned  under  the 
heel  of  severe  xenocraty.  The  old  German  Empire 
had  broken  down,  nothing  of  it  was  left  but  a  ridicu- 
lous name,  "  Romisches  Reich  deutscher  Nation." 
The  crowned  heads  of  Germany  held  their  thrones 
merely  by  the  grace  of  Napoleon.  Only  Spain,  united 
with  England,  dared  him  yet.  Since  Napoleon  could 
not  attack  the  English  directly,  on  account  of  their 
power  at  sea,  he  tried  to  hit  them  where  they  were 

vii 


most  sensitive,  at  their  pocket.  He  instituted  the 
continental  blocus.  Russia  with  the  other  lands  of 
Continental  Europe  had  to  close  her  ports  and  mar- 
kets against  England,  but  Russia  soon  became  tired 
of  this  pressure  and  preferred  a  new  war  with  Napo- 
leon to  French  domination. 

In  giving  this  sketch  of  the  popularity  of  Napo- 
leon's memory  in  Germany,  I  have  availed  myself  of 
a  German  calendar  for  the  year  1913,  called  Der 
Lahrer  hinkende  Bote. 

Except  the  English  translation  of  Beaupre's  book 
I  have  taken  from  French  and  German  writings  only. 

I  desire  to  thank  Mr.  S.  Simonis,  of  New  York, 
who  has  revised  the  entire  manuscript  and  read  the 
proofs;  next  to  him  I  am  under  obligations  to  Reichs 
Archiv  Rat  Dr.  Striedinger,  of  Munich,  and  Mr. 
Franz  Herrmann,  of  New  York,  who  have  loaned 
me  most  valuable  books  and  pointed  out  important 
literature,  and  finally  to  Miss  F.  de  Cerkez,  who  has 
aided  me  in  the  translation  of  some  of  the  chapters. 


viii 


ILLUSTRATIONS 

PAGE 

Transportation  of  Cannon  under  Difficulties 6y 

Attack    of    Cossacks    85 

"  And  Never  Saw  Daylight  Again,"   92 

Beresina  107 

Gate  of  Wilna 129 

In  the  Streets  of  Wilna 138 

Retreat  Across  the  Niemen   147 

*  No  Fear,  We  Shall  Soon  Follow  You  " 154 

In   Prison     163 


Ix 


GROSSING  THE  NIEMEN 

On  May  ioth.,  1812,  the  Moniteur  published  the 
following  note:  "The  emperor  has  left  to-day  to 
inspect  the  Grand  Army  united  at  the  Vistula/'  In 
France,  in  all  parts  of  the  Empire,  the  lassitude  was 
extreme  and  the  misery  increasing,  there  was  no  com- 
merce, with  dearth  pronounced  in  twenty  provinces, 
sedition  of  the  hungry  had  broken  out  in  Normandy, 
the  gendarmes  pursuing  the  "refractories"  everywhere, 
and  blood  was  shed  in  all  thirty  departments. 

There  was  the  complaint  of  exhausted  population, 
and  loudest  was  the  complaint  of  mothers  whose  sons 
had  been  killed  in  the  war. 

Napoleon  was  aware  of  these  evils  and  understood 
well  their  gravity,  but  he  counted  on  his  usual  remedy, 
new  victories;  saying  to  himself  that  a  great  blow 
dealt  in  the  north,  throwing  Russia  and  indirectly 
England  at  his  feet,  would  again  be  the  salvation  of 
the  situation. 

Caulaincourt,  his  ambassador  to  the  Tzar,  had  told 
him  in  several  conversations,  one  of  which  had  lasted 
seven  hours,  that  he  would  find  more  terrible  disaster 
in  Russia  than  in  Spain,  that  his  army  would  be 
destroyed  in  the  vastness  of  the  country  by  the  iron 
climate,  that  the  Tzar  would  retire  to  the  farthest 
Asiatic  provinces  rather  than  accept  a  dishonorable 
peace,  that  the  Russians  would  retreat  but  never  cede. 

1 


'  Napoleon  listened  attentively  to  these  prophetic 
words,  showing  surprise  and  emotion;  then  he  fell 
into  a  profound  reflection,  but  at  the  end  of  his  revery, 
having  enumerated  once  more  his  armies,  all  his  people, 
he  said :  "Bah !  a  good  battle  will  bring  to  reason  the 
good  determination  of  your  friend  Alexander." 

And  in  his  entourage  there  were  many  who  shared 
his  optimism.  The  brilliant  youth  of  that  new  aristoc- 
racy which  had  begun  to  fill  his  staff  was  anxious  to 
equal  the  old  soldiers  of  the  revolution,  the  plebeian 
heroes. 

They  prepared  for  war  in  a  luxurious  way  and 
ordered  sumptuous  outfits  and  equipages  which  later 
on  encumbered  the  roads  of  Germany,  just  as  the 
carriages  of  the  Prussian  army  had  done  in  1806. 

These  French  officers  spoke  of  the  Russian  campaign 
as  a  six  months'  hunting  party. 

Napoleon  had  calculated  not  to  occupy  the  country 
between  the  Vistula  and  the  Niemen  before  the  end  of 
May,  when  the  late  spring  of  those  regions  would 
have  covered  the  fields  with  green,  so  that  the  100 
thousand  horses  marching  with  the  army  could  find 
feed. 

He  traversed  Germany  between  a  double  lane  of 
kings,  and  princes  bowed  in  an  attitude  of  adoration. 

He  found  them  at  Mainz,  at  Wuerzburg,  at  Bam- 
berg, and  his  advance  might  be  compared  to  the  royal 
progress  of  an  Asiatic  potentate. 

Whole  populations  were  turned  out  to  salute  him, 
and  during  the  night  the  route  over  which  the  imperial 
carriages  passed  was  illuminated  by  lighted  piles  of 
wood — an  extensive  line  of  fire  in  his  honor. 

At  Dresden  he  had  the  attendance  of  an  emperor 
(that  of  Austria)  and  of  kings  and  reigning  princes, 

2 


who  were  present  at  his  levees,  together  with  their 
prime  ministers  (the  better  to  catch,  to  report,  the 
words  he  said,  however  insignificant)  while  high  Ger- 
man dignitaries  waited  on  him  at  the  table. 

The  Emperor  and  the  Empress  of  Austria  had  come 
at  their  own  desire  to  salute  their  daughter  and  their 
son-in-law  and  to  present  their  good  wishes  for  the 
success  of  the  great  expedition. 

Twelve  days  in  succession  he  had  at  dinner  the 
Emperor  and  Empress  of  Austria,  the  King  and 
Queen  of  Saxony,  the  Saxon  princes,  the  Prince 
Primate  of  the  Confederation  of  the  Rhine — even  the 
King  of  Prussia  was  present;  he  offered  his  son  for 
adjutant,  which  offer,  however,  Napoleon  was  tactful 
enough  not  to  accept. 

All  the  kings  and  reigning  princes  from  the  other 
States  of  Germany  presented  their  best  wishes  and 
pledged  faithfulness  to  Napoleon  in  his  war  against 
Russia. 

Around  the  French  emperor  and  empress  at  Dres- 
den there  was  a  court  the  like  of  which  Europe  had 
never  seen  and  never  will  see  again. 

A  Te  Deum  was  sung  to  thank  heaven  for  his 
arrival;  there  was  a  magnificent  display  of  fireworks, 
but  the  climax  of  all  was  a  great  concert  with  an 
apotheosis  showing,  as  the  pricipal  figure,  the  sun 
with  the  inscription :  "  Less  great  and  less  beautiful 
than  He."  "  It  appears  that  these  people  take  me  for 
very  stupid,"  said  Napoleon  to  this,  shrugging  his 
shoulders. 

In  speaking  to  one  of  his  intimates  he  called  the 
King  of  Prussia  a  sergeant  instructor,  une  bete,  but 
openly  he  treated  him  with  great  courtesy. 

He  made  rich  presents:  gold  and  enameled  boxes, 
3 


jewelry  and  portraits  of  himself  enriched  with  costly 
stones.  During  the  happy  days  of  Dresden  he  enjoyed 
for  once  an  intimate  family  life. 

On  one  occasion  he  held  a  long  conversation  with  his 
father-in-law,  during  which  he  developed  his  plans 
of  the  Russian  campaign,  with  minute  and  endless 
military  details  of  which  the  emperor  of  Austria,  being 
no  strategist  at  all,  understood  nothing  and  said  after- 
ward: "My  son-in-law  is  alright  here,"  pointing  to 
the  heart,  "but  here" — pointing  to  the  forehead — he 
made  a  significant  gesture. 

This  criticism  of  Napoleon  by  the  Emperor  of 
Austria  became  popular  and  has  been  accepted  by 
many  writers.  All  reproaches  about  Cesarian  insanity 
which  were  cast  at  the  great  man  and  his  whole  life 
date  from  that  time.  Some  have  said  that  he  wanted 
to  conquer  England  and  Russia  because  these  two  he 
considered  the  arch  enemies  of  Europe,  that  he  fore- 
saw the  threatening  growth  of  these  two  countries  as 
dangerous,  and  if  he  did  not  take  advantage  of  the 
good  opportunity  the  future  of  Europe  would  be  at 
the  mercy  of  Russia  and  England. 

The  conquest  of  Russia  was  the  keynote  of  his 
universal  policy. 

The  much  calumniated  blocus,  say  other  writers, 
would  finally  have  been  the  greatest  blessing  for 
continental  Europe;  its  aim  had  already  been  attained 
in  so  far  as  many  London  houses  failed,  and  famine 
reigned  on  the  British  islands  in  consequence  of  the 
high  cost  of  living. 

And  these  writers  say  Napoleon  had  by  no  means 
become  insane,  but,  on  the  contrary,  frightfully  clear. 
Another  explanation  given  was  that  he  worried  about 
his  dynasty,  his  child,  entertaining  fear  that  his  empire 

4 


might  fall  to  pieces  after  his  death,  like  the  empire  of 
Charles  the  Great. 

Although  he  was  enjoying  good  health,  he  had  been 
warned  by  his  physician,  Corvisart,  of  cancer  of  the 
stomach,  from  which  Napoleon's  father  had  died. 
Some  suspicious  black  specks  had  been  observed  in 
the  vomit.  Therefore  no  time  was  to  be  lost,  all  had 
to  be  done  in  haste. 

The  rupture  originated  with  Russia,  for  at  the  end 
of  the  year  1810  the  Tzar  annulled  the  blocus  and  even 
excluded  French  goods  or  placed  an  inordinate  duty  on 
them — this  was,  in  fact,  a  declaration  of  war.  Russia 
wanted  war  while  the  Spanish  campaign  was  taxing 
France's  military  forces. 

The  only  reliable  report  of  Napoleon's  communica- 
tions at  St.  Helena  has  been  given  by  General  de 
G  our  gaud  in  the  diary  which  he  kept  while  with  the 
Emperor  from  1815  to  181 8,  and  which  has  been 
published  in  the  year  1898.  Here  is  what  Napoleon 
said  on  this  subject: 

On  June  13th.,  181 6,  he  remarked  in  conversation 
with  Gourgaud,  "  I  did  not  want  the  war  with  Russia, 
but  Kurakin  presented  me  a  threatening  note  on 
account  of  Davoufs  troops  at  Hamburg.  Bassano 
and  Champagny  were  mediocre  ministers,  they  did  not 
comprehend  the  intention  which  had  dictated  that 
note.  I  myself  could  not  argue  with  Kurakin.  They 
persuaded  me  that  it  meant  declaration  of  war.  Russia 
had  taken  off  several  divisions  from  Moldavia  and 
would  take  the  initiative  with  an  attack  on  Warsaw. 
Kurakin  threatened  and  asked  for  his  passports.  I 
myself  believed  finally  they  wanted  war.  I  mobilized! 
I  sent  Lauriston  to  Alexander,  but  he  was  not  even 
received.    From  Dresden  I  sent  Narbonne,  everything 

5 


convinced  me  that  Russia  wanted  war.  I  crossed  the 
Niemen  near  Wilna. 

"  Alexander  sent  a  General  to  me  to  assure  me  that 
he  did  not  wish  war;  I  treated  this  ambassador  very 
well,  he  dined  with  me,  but  I  believed  his  mission  was 
a  trick  to  prevent  the  cutting  off  of  Bagratian.  I 
therefore  continued  the  march. 

"  I  did  not  wish  to  declare  war  against  Russia,  but 
I  had  the  impression  that  Russia  wanted  to  break 
with  me.  I  knew  very  well  the  difficulties  of  such  a 
campaign." 

Gourgaud  wrote  in  his  diary  a  conversation  which 
he  had  with  Montholon  on  July  9th.,  1817.  "What  was 
the  real  motive  of  the  Russian  campaign?  I  know 
nothing  about  it,  and  perhaps  the  Emperor  himself 
did  not  know  it.  Did  he  intend  to  go  to  India  after 
having  dethroned  the  Moscowitic  dynasty?  The 
preparations,  the  tents  which  he  took  along,  seem  to 
suggest  this  assumption." 

Montholon  answered:  "According  to  the  instruc- 
tions which  I,  as  ambassador,  received  I  believe  that 
His  Majesty  wanted  to  become  Emperor  of  Germany, 
that  he  aimed  to  be  crowned  as  'Emperor  of  the  West' \ 
The  Rhenish  Confederation  was  made  to  understand 
this  idea.  In  Erfurt  it  was  already  a  foregone  con- 
clusion, but  Alexander  demanded  Constantinople,  and 
this  Napoleon  would  not  concede." 

At  another  conversation  Napoleon  admitted  "I  have 
been  too  hasty.  I  should  have  remained  a  whole  year 
at  the  Niemen  and  in  Prussia,  in  order  to  give  my 
troops  the  much  needed  rest,  to  reorganize  the  army 
and  also  to  eat  up  Prussia." 

All  these  details,  Napoleon's  admission  included, 
show  that  nobody  knew  and  nobody  knows  why  this 

6 


gigantic  expedition  was  undertaken.  Certain  is,  how- 
ever, that  England  had  a  hand  in  the  break  between 
Napoleon  and  Alexander. 

When  Napoleon  called  on  the  generals  to  lead  them 
into  this  expedition  they  all  had  become  settled  to  some 
extent,  some  in  Paris,  others  on  their  possessions  or 
as  governors  and  commanders  all  over  Europe,  which 
at  that  time  meant  France;  in  consequence  there 
existed  a  certain  displeasure  among  these  officers, 
especially  among  the  older  ones  and  those  of  high 
rank. 

The  high  positions  which  he  had  created  for  them 
and  the  rich  incomes  which  they  enjoyed  had  developed 
their  and  their  wives'  taste  for  a  luxurious  and 
brilliant  mode  of  living.  Besides,  most  of  them,  as 
well  as  their  master,  had  attained  the  age  between 
forty  and  fifty,  their  ambition  gradually  had  relented, 
they  had  enough;  and  the  family  with  which  they 
had  been  together  for  very  brief  periods  only  between 
two  campaigns,  clung  to  them  now  and  held  them 
tightly. 

Notwithstanding  these  conditions,  they  all  came 
when  the  Emperor  called;  after  they  had  shaken  off 
wife  and  children  and  had  mounted  in  the  saddle,  while 
the  old  veterans  and  the  young  impatient  soldiers  were 
jubilant  around  them,  they  regained  their  good  humor 
and  went  on  to  new  victories,  the  brave  men  they 
always  had  been. 

Especially  at  first  when,  at  the  head  of  their  mag- 
nificent regiments,  they  marched  eastward  through  the 
conquered  lands,  from  city  to  city,  from  castle  to 
castle,  like  masters  of  the  world,  when  in  Dresden 
they  met  their  comrades  in  war  and  their  friends,  and 
when  they  saw  how  all  the  crowned  heads  of  Europe 

7 


bowed  before  their  Emperor,  then  the  Grand  Army 
was  in  its  glory. 

As  we  know  from  history  the  Grand  Army  had 
contingents  from  twenty  nationalities:  Frenchmen, 
Germans,  Italians,  Austrians,  Swiss,  Spaniards,  Portu- 
guese, Poles,  Illyrians,  etc.,  and  numbered  over  half 
a  million  men,  with  ioo  thousand  horses,  1,000  cannon. 

According  to  Bleibtreu  (Die  grosse  Armee,  Stutt- 
gart, 1908),  and  Kielland  (Rings  um  Napoleon,  Leip- 
zig, 1907)  the  Grand  Army  was  made  up  as  follows: 

First  Corps — Davout,  six  divisions  of  the  best 
troops  under  the  command  of  Morand, 
Friant,  Gudin.  In  this  corps  were,  besides 
French,  Badensian,  Dutch,  and  Polish  regi- 
ments. Davout  commanded  also  17  thousand 
Prussian  soldiers  under  General  Grawert. 
Among  the  generals  were  Compans  and 
Pajol,  the  engineer  Haxo,  and  the  handsome 
General  Friederich 67.000 

Second  Corps — Oudinot  with  the  divisions  of 
Generals  Merle,  Legrand,  Maison,  Lannes' 
and  Massena's  veterans 40,000 

Third  Corps — Ney  with  two  divisions  of  veter- 
ans of  Lannes;  to  this  corps  belonged  the 
Wuerttembergians  who  had  served  under  Ney 
before    49,000 

Fourth  Corps — Prince  Eugene  with  Juriot  as 
second  commander,  and  the  Generals 
Grouchy,  Broussier,  the  two  brothers  Delzon. 
In  this  corps  were  the  best  soldiers  of  the 
Italian  army 45,ooo 

The  Fifth  Corps — Prince  Poniatowski.  Sol- 
diers of  all  arms,  mostly  Poles 26,000 

8 


The  Sixth  Corps — General  St  Cyr.  Mostly 
foreigners  who  had  served  in  the  French 
army  since  1809  25,000 

The  Seventh  Corps — General  Reynier.  Mostly 
Saxons  and  Poles  17,000 

The  Eighth  Corps — King  Jerome.  Westphal- 
ians  and  Hessians 18,000 

Besides,  there  were  four  corps  of  reserve 
cavalry  distributed  among  the  corps  of  Da- 
vout,  Oudinot,  and  Ney;  the  rest,  excellent 
horsemen,  marched  with  the  Imperial  Guard.  15,000 

The  Imperial  Guards  were  commanded  by  the 
Marshals  Mortier  and  Lefebvre  and  were 
divided  into  two  corps,  the  old  guard  and  the 
young  guard    47,000 

There  was  the  engineer  park,  composed  of  sappers, 
miners,  pontooneers  and  military  mechanicians  of  all 
descriptions,  the  artillery  park,  and  train  of  wagons 
with  attendants  and  horses.  To  these  two  trains 
alone  belonged  18  thousand  horses. 

In  the  active  army  which  marched  toward  Russia 
there  were  423  thousand  well  drilled  soldiers ;  namely, 
300  thousand  infantry,  70  thousand  cavalry  and  30 
thousand  artillery  with  1  thousand  cannon,  6  pontoon 
trains,  ambulances,  and  a4so  provisions  for  one  month. 

As  reserve,  the  ninth  corps — Marshal  Victor — and 
the  tenth  corps — Augereau — were  stationed  near 
Magdeburg,  ready  to  complete  the  army  gradually. 

The  whole  army  which  marched  to  Russia  consisted 
of  620  thousand  men. 

The  question  of  subsistence  for  this  immense  body 
occupied  Napoleon  chiefly.  He  felt  the  extraordinary 
difficulty    and    great    danger,    he    knew    that    at    the 

9 


moment  of  coming  in  contact  with  the  enemy  all  the 
corps  would  be  out  of  supplies  in  twenty  or  twenty- 
five  days  if  there  were  no  great  reserves  of  bread, 
biscuit,  rice,  etc.,  closely  following  the  army. 

His  system  was  that  of  requisition.  To  secure  the 
needed  supplies  the  commanders  of  the  corps  were 
ordered  to  seize  in  the  country  all  the  grain  which 
could  be  found  and  at  once  to  convert  it  into  flour, 
with  methodic  activity. 

Napoleon  himself  superintended  and  hastened  the 
work.  At  twenty  different  places  along  the  Vistula 
he  had  the  grinding  done  unceasingly,  distributing  the 
flour  thus  obtained  among  the  corps  and  expediting 
its  transport  by  every  possible  means.  He  even 
invented  new  measures  for  this  purpose,  among  which 
the  well-known  formation  of  battalions  of  cattle,  an 
immense  rolling  stock  destined  to  follow  the  columns 
to  serve  twofold :  for  transportation  of  provisions,  and 
finally  as  food. 

With  the  beginning  of  June  these  supreme  prepara- 
tions had  been  made  or  seemed  to  have  been  made. 
In  the  lands  through  which  the  troops  were  to  march 
before  they  reached  the  Niemen,  the  spring  had  done 
its  work;  there  was  abundance  of  forage. 

Napoleon  had  impatiently  awaited  this  time  during 
ten  months  of  secret  activity. 

It  was  the  hope  of  Russia  and  the  fear  of  those 
Frenchmen  who  understood  the  Russian  climate  that 
the  campaign  would  drag  into  the  winter. 

Russians  already  told  of  the  village  blacksmith  who 
laughed  when  he  was  shown  a  French  horseshoe  which 
had  been  found  on  the  road,  and  said:  "Not  one  of 
these  horses  will  leave  Russia  if  the  army  remains 
till  frost  sets  in !"    The  French  horseshoes  had  neither 

10 


pins  nor  barbed  hooks,  and  it  would  be  impossible  for 
horses  thus  shod  to  draw  cannons  and  heavy  wagons 
up  and  down  hill  over  frozen  and  slippery  roads. 

The  annihilation  of  the  Grand  Army  is  not  to  be 
attributed  to  the  cold  and  the  fearful  conditions  on 
the  retreat  from  Moscow  alone,  the  army  was  in 
reality  annihilated  before  it  reached  Russia,  as  we  shall 
see  by  the  following  description  which  I  have  taken 
from  a  Latin  dissertation  (translated  also  into  Ger- 
man) of  the  surgeon  of  a  Wuerttembergian  regiment, 
Ch.  Io.  von  Scherer,  who  had  served  through  the 
whole  campaign  and  in  the  year  1820  had  submitted 
this  dissertation,  "Historia  Morborum,  qui  in  Expedi- 
tione  Contra  Russiam  Anno  1812  Facta  Legiones 
Wuerttembergicas  invaserunt,  praesertim  eorum  qui 
frigore  orti  sunt,"  to  the  Medical  Faculty,  presided 
over  by  F.  G.  Gmelin,  to  obtain  the  degree  of  doctor  of 
medicine. 

The  diseases  which  befell  the  soldiers  in  Russia 
extended  over  the  whole  army,  von  Scherer,  however, 
gives  his  own  observations  only,  which  he  had  made 
while  serving  in  the  Wuerttembergian  corps  of  four- 
teen to  fifteen  thousand  men. 

The  expedition  into  Russia  in  the  year  18 12  was 
divided  into  ten  divisions,  each  of  these  numbering 
fifty  to  sixty  thousand  men,  all  healthy,  robust,  most 
of  them  hardened  in  war.  The  Wuerttembergians  were 
commanded  by  General  Count  von  Scheeler  and  the 
French  General  Marchand;  the  highest  commander 
was  Marshal  Ney. 

In  the  beginning  of  May,  181 2,  the  great  army  of 
Napoleon  arrived  at  the  frontier  of  Poland,  whence 
it  proceeded  by  forced  and  most  tiresome  marches  to 
the  river  Niemen,  which  forms  the  boundary  between 

11 


Lithuania  and  Poland,  arriving  at  the  borders  of  the 
river  in  the  middle  of  June. 

An  immense  body  of  soldiers  (500,000)  met  near 
the  city  of  Kowno,  crossed  the  Niemen  on  pontoons, 
and  formed,  under  the  eyes  of  the  Emperor,  in  endless 
battle  line  on  the  other  side. 

The  forced  march  continued  day  and  night  over 
the  sandy  soil  of  Poland.  The  tropical  heat  during  the 
day  and  the  low  temperature  at  night,  the  frequent 
rainstorms  from  the  north,  the  camping  on  bare  and 
often  wet  ground,  the  ever  increasing  want  of  pure 
water  and  fresh  provisions,  the  immense  masses  of 
dust,  which,  cloudlike,  hung  over  the  marching  columns 
— all  these  difficulties  put  together  had  sapped  the 
strength  of  the  soldiers  already  at  the  beginning  of 
the  campaign.  Many  were  taken  sick  before  they 
reached  the  Niemen. 

The  march  through  Lithuania  was  hastened  as  much 
as  the  march  through  Poland.  Provisions  became 
scarcer  all  the  time,  meat  from  cattle  that  had  suffered 
from  starvation  and  exhaustion  was  for  a  long  time 
the  soldiers'  only  food.  The  great  heat,  and  the  inhala- 
tion of  sand  and  dust,  dried  the  tissues  of  the  body, 
and  the  thirsty  soldiers  longed  in  vain  for  a  drink  of 
water.  Often  there  was  no  other  opportunity  to  quench 
the  thirst  than  the  water  afforded  by  the  swamps.  The 
officers  were  powerless  to  prevent  the  soldiers  from 
kneeling  down  at  stagnant  pools  and  drinking  the  foul 
water  without  stint. 

Thus  the  army,  tired  to  the  utmost  from  overexer- 
tion and  privation,  and  disposed  to  sickness,  entered 
the  land  of  the  enemy.  The  forced  marches  were 
continued  during  the  day,  through  sand  and  dust,  until 

12 


stormy  weather  set  in  with  rain,  followed  by  cold 
winds. 

With  the  appearance  of  bad  weather,  dysentery, 
which  had  already  been  observed  at  the  time  of  the 
crossing  of  the  Niemen,  showed  itself  with  greater 
severity.  The  route  the  army  had  taken  from  camp 
to  camp  was  marked  by  offensive  evacuations.  The 
number  of  the  sick  became  so  great  that  they  could 
not  all  be  attended  to,  and  medical  treatment  became 
illusory  when  the  supply  of  medicaments  was  ex- 
hausted. 

The  greater  part  of  the  army  fought  in  vain,  how- 
ever courageously,  against  the  extending  evil.  As 
everything  was  wanting  of  which  the  sick  were  in  need, 
there  was  no  barrier  against  the  spread  of  the  disease, 
while  at  the  same  time  the  privations  and  hardships 
which  had  caused  it  continued  and  reached  their 
climax. 

Some  of  these  soldiers  would  march,  equipped  with 
knapsack  and  arms,  apparently  in  good  spirits,  but 
suddenly  would  succumb  and  die.  Others,  especially 
those  of  strong  constitution,  would  become  melancholy 
and  commit  suicide.  The  number  of  deaths  increased 
from  day  to  day. 

Marvelous  was  the  effect  of  emotion  on  the  disease. 
Surgeon-General  von  Kohlreuter,  during  and  after 
the  battle  of  Smolensk,  witnessed  this  influence.  Of 
four  thousand  Wuerttembergians  who  took  part  in 
that  battle,  there  were  few  quite  free  from  dysentery. 

Tired  and  depressed,  the  army  dragged  along;  but 
as  soon  as  the  soldiers  heard  the  cannon  in  the  distance, 
telling  them  the  battle  was  beginning,  they  emerged  at 
once  from  their  lethargy ;  the  expression  of  their  faces, 
which  had  been  one  of  sadness,  changed  to  one  of  joy 

13 


ana  hilarity.  Joyfully  and  with  great  bravery  they 
went  into  action.  During  the  four  days  that  the  battle 
lasted,  and  for  some  days  afterward,  dysentery  disap- 
peared as  if  banished  by  magic.  When  the  battle  was 
over  and  the  privations  were  the  same  again  as  they 
had  been,  the  disease  returned  with  the  same  severity 
as  before — nay,  even  worse,  and  the  soldiers  fell  into 
complete  lethargy. 

The  necropsy  of  those  who  had  died  from  dysentery 
revealed  derangement  of  the  digestive  organs;  the 
stomach,  the  large  intestine,  mostly  the  rectum,  were 
inflamed ;  the  intima  of  stomach  and  duodenum,  some- 
time the  whole  intestine,  were  atonic.  In  some  cases 
there  were  small  ulcers,  with  jagged  margins,  in  the 
stomach,  especially  in  its  fundus,  and  in  the  rectum ;  in 
other  cases  dysentery  had  proceeded  to  such  an  extent 
that  pretty  large  ulcers  had  developed,  extending  from 
the  stomach  into  the  small  and  from  there  into  the 
large  intestine,  into  the  rectum.  These  ulcers  were  of 
sizes  varying  from  that  of  a  lentil  to  the  size  of  a 
walnut.  Where  the  disease  had  been  progressive 
the  intima,  the  mucosa  and  submucosa — very  seldom, 
however,  the  serosa — were  perforated  by  ulcers;  in 
many  cases  there  were  gangraenous  patches  in  the 
fundus  of  the  stomach  and  along  the  intestinal  tract. 
The  gastric  juice  smelled  highly  acid,  frequently  the 
liver  was  discolored  and  contained  a  bluish  liquid,  its 
lower  part  in  most  cases  hardened  and  bluish ;  the  gall 
bladder,  as  a  rule,  was  empty  or  contained  only  a  small 
amount  of  bile;  the  mesenteric  glands  were  mostly 
inflamed,  sometimes  purulent;  the  mesenteric  and 
visceral  vessels  appeared  often  as  if  studded  with 
blood.  Such  patients  had  suffered  sometimes  from 
gastralgy,  had  had  a  great  craving  for  food,  especially 

14 


vegetables,  but  were  during  that  time  entirely  free 
from  fever. 

Remarkably  sudden  disaster  followed  the  immoder- 
ate use  of  alcohol.  Some  Wuerttembergian  soldiers, 
who  during  the  first  days  of  July  had  been  sent  on 
requisition,  had  discovered  large  quantities  of  brandy 
in  a  nobleman's  mansion,  and  had  indulged  in  its  im- 
moderate use  and  died,  like  all  dysentery  patients  who 
took  too  much  alcohol. 

The  number  of  Wuerttembergians  afflicted  with 
dysentery,  while  on  the  march  from  the  Niemen  to  the 
Dwina,  amounted  to  three  thousand,  at  least  this  many 
were  left  behind  in  the  hospitals  of  Malaty,  Wilna, 
Disna,  Strizzowan  and  Witepsk.  The  number  of 
deaths  in  the  hospitals  increased  as  the  disease  pro- 
ceeded, from  day  to  day,  and  the  number  of  those 
who  died  on  the  march  was  not  small.  Exact  hospital 
statistics  cannot  be  given  except  of  Strizzowan,  which 
was  the  only  hospital  from  which  lists  had  been  pre- 
served; and  here  von  Scherer  did  duty  during  six 
weeks.  Out  of  902  patients  301  died  during  the  first 
three  weeks;  during  the  other  three  weeks  when  the 
patients  had  better  care  only  36  died. 

In  the  hospitals  established  on  the  march,  in  haste, 
in  poor  villages,  medicaments  were  either  wanting 
entirely  or  could  be  had  only  in  insufficient  quantity. 
All  medical  plants  which  grew  on  the  soil  in  that  cli- 
mate were  utilized  by  the  surgeons,  as,  for  instance  in 
the  hospital  of  Witepsk,  huckleberries  and  the  root  of 
tormentilla.  Establishing  the  hospital  in  Strizzowan 
von  Scherer  placed  some  of  his  patients  in  the  castle, 
others  in  a  barn  and  the  rest  in  stables.  Not  without 
great  difficulties  and  under  dangers  he  procured  pro- 
visions from  the  neighborhood.     As  medicaments  he 

15 


used,  and  sometimes  with  really  good  results,  the  fol- 
lowing plants  which  were  found  in  abundance  in  the 
vicinity:  i.  Cochlearia  armoracia;  2.  Acorus  cal- 
amus; 3.  Allium  sativum;  4.  Raphanus  sativus;  5. 
Menyanthes  trifoliata;  6.  Salvia  officinalis. 

In  the  course  of  the  following  three  weeks  General 
Count  von  Scheeler  handed  him  several  thousand 
florins  to  be  used  for  the  alleviation  of  the  suf- 
ferings of  the  soldiers  under  his  care,  and  von  Scherer 
procured  from  great  distances,  namely,  from  the 
Polish  cities  Mohilew,  Minsk  and  Wilna,  suitable 
medicines  and  provisions.  The  proper  diet  which 
could  now  be  secured,  together  with  best  medicines, 
had  an  excellent  effect.  This  is  seen  at  a  glance  when 
perusing  the  statistics  of  the  first  three  and  the  last 
three  weeks.  In  some  cases  in  which  the  patients  had 
been  on  the  way  to  recovery,  insignificant  causes  would 
bring  relapse.  Potatoes  grew  in  abundance  in  the 
vicinity  of  the  hospital,  and  patients  would  clandes- 
tinely help  themselves  and  eat  them  in  excessive 
quantities,  with  fatal  result. 

In  some  the  intestinal  tract  remained  very  weak  for 
a  long  time.  Emaciation  of  the  convalescents  im- 
proved only  very  slowly.  Remarkable  was  a  certain 
mental  depression  or  indolence  which  remained  in 
many  patients.  Even  in  officers  who  von  Scherer  had 
known  as  energetic  and  good-humored  men  there  was 
seen  for  a  long  time  a  morose  condition  and  very 
noticeable  dulness.  Whatever  they  undertook  was 
done  slowly  and  imperfectly.  Sometimes,  even  with  a 
kind  of  wickedness,  they  showed  an  inclination  to  steal 
or  do  something  forbidden.  Sometimes  it  was  difficult 
to  induce  them  to  take  exercise,  von  Scherer,  in 
order  to   cheer  up   the   convalescents,   ordered   daily 

16 


walks  under  guard,  and  this  was  the  more  necessary 
as  oedemata  developed  on  the  extremities  in  those 
who  remained  motionless  on  their  couches. 

How  injurious  the  immoderate  use  of  alcoholic  bev- 
erages proved  to  be  was  demonstrated  in  three  cases 
of  convalescents,  who  were  still  somewhat  weak.  They 
had  secretly  procured  some  bottles  of  brandy  from 
the  cellar  of  the  hospital,  and  with  the  idea  of  having  a 
good  time  had  drunk  all  of  it  in  one  sitting.  Very  soon 
they  had  dangerous  symptoms:  abdominal  pain, 
nausea  and  vomiting  followed  by  lachrymation  from 
the  protruding  and  inflamed  eyes.  They  fell  down 
senseless,  had  liquid  and  highly  offensive  evacuations 
and  died,  in  spite  of  all  medical  aid,  in  six  hours.  On 
the  abdomen,  the  neck,  the  chest  and  especially  on  the 
feet  of  the  corpses  of  these  men  there  were  gangraen- 
ous  spots  of  different  sizes,  a  plain  proof  that  the 
acute  inflammation,  gangraene  and  putrefaction  had 
been  caused  by  the  excessive  irritation  of  the  extremely 
weak  body.  Circumstances  forbade  necropsy  in  these 
cases. 

Among  different  publications  on  the  medical  history 
of  Napoleon's  campaign  in  1812,  which  I  happened  to 
find,  was  a  dissertation  of  Marin  Bunoust,  "Considera- 
tions generates  sur  la  congelation  pendant  Y  ivresse 
observee  en  Russie  en  1812."  Paris,  1817  (published, 
therefore,  three  years  before  publication  of  von 
Scherer's  dissertation),  in  which  the  author  wishes 
to  show  that  the  physiological  effect  of  drunkenness 
on  the  organism  is  identical  with  that  of  extreme  cold. 

von  Scherer,  after  the  hospital  of  Strizzowan  had 
been  evacuated,  again  joined  his  regiment.  The  French 
army  in  forced  marches  pursued  the  enemy  on  the 
road  to  Moscow  over  Ostrowno,  Witepsk  and  Smo- 

17 


lensk.  Dysentery  did  not  abate.  In  the  hospitals  of 
Smolensk,  Wiasma  and  Ghiat,  von  Scherer  found, 
besides  the  wounded  from  the  battles  of  Krasnoe, 
Smolensk  and  Borodino,  a  great  number  of  dysentery 
patients;  many  died  on  the  march.  The  whole 
presented  a  pitiful  sight,  and  the  soldiers'  contempt  of 
life  excited  horror. 

We  shall  return  to  von  Scherer's  dissertation  when 
describing  the  retreat  from  Moscow. 

While  the  dissertation  of  von  Scherer  treats  on  the 
fate  of  the  Wuerttembergian  corps  of  Napoleon's 
grand  army,  a  memoir  of  First  Lieutenant  von  Borcke 
who  served  as  adjutant  of  General  von  Ochs  in  the 
Westphalian  corps  relates  the  fate  of  the  Westphalians 
in  the  grand  army  of  1812. 

The  Westphalians,  23,747  men  strong,  left  Cassel 
in  the  month  of  March,  1812,  to  unite  with  the  French 
army.  One  of  the  regiments  was  sent  later  and  joined 
the  corps  while  the  army  was  on  the  retreat  from  Mos- 
cow at  Moshaisk.  This  regiment,  like  another,  which 
followed  still  later  and  joined  the  army  on  the  retreat 
at  Wilna,  was  annihilated.  Of  the  23,747  men  a  few 
hundred  finally  returned.  On  March  24th.,  the  West- 
phalians crossed  the  Elbe,  von  Borcke  (it  is  a  com- 
mon error  in  American  literature  to  spell  the  predicate 
of  nobility  von  with  a  capital  V  when  at  the  beginning 
of  a  period,  while  neither  von  nor  the  corresponding 
French  de  as  predicate  of  nobility  should  ever  be 
spelled  with  a  capital)  at  that  time  suffered  from 
intermittent  fever,  but  was  cured  by  the  use  of  calisaya 
bark.  I  mention  this  to  call  attention  to  the  fact  that 
quinine  was  not  known  in  the  year  1812.  When  the 
corps  marched  into  Poland  the  abundance  of  pro- 
visions which  the  soldiers  had  enjoyed,  came  to  an  end. 

18 


There  were  no  magazines  from  which  rations  could 
have  been  distributed,  and  the  poor  Polish  peasants, 
upon  whom  requisitions  should  have  been  made,  had 
nothing  for  the  soldiers.  Disorder  among  the  troops 
who  thus  far  had  distinguished  themselves  by  strictest 
discipline,  made  its  appearance.  How  the  army  was 
harassed  by  the  plague  of  dysentery,  how  the  soldiers 
were  marching  during  great  heat,  insufficiently  sup- 
plied in  every  way,  and  how  they  suffered  from  mani- 
fold hardships,  has  been  described  in  von  Scherer's 
dissertation.  The  Westphalian  corps  was  in  as  pre- 
carious a  condition  as  the  Wuerttembergian,  as  in  fact 
the  whole  army  and  the  Westphalian  battalions  were 
already  reduced  to  one-half  their  former  number. 
Many  soldiers  had  remained  behind  on  account  of 
sickness  or  exhaustion,  and  officers  were  sent  back  to 
bring  them  to  the  ranks  again. 

The  whole  army  would  have  dissolved  if  the  march 
had  not  been  interrupted.  Napoleon  ordered  a  stay. 
An  order  from  him  called  for  a  rally  of  the  troops,  for 
the  completion  of  war  material,  ammunition,  and 
horses  and  provisions;  but  where  to  take  all  these 
things  from?  The  war  had  not  yet  begun,  and  the 
troops  were  already  in  danger  of  starvation.  Only 
with  sadness  and  fear  could  the  soldiers,  under  these 
circumstances,  look  into  the  future. 

In  what  way,  says  Ebstein,  can  this  great  want,  this 
insufficient  supply  of  provisions,  which  made  itself 
felt  even  at  the  beginning  of  the  campaign,  be 
explained  ?  It  has  been  shown  how  Napoleon  exerted 
himself  to  meet  the  extraordinary  difficulty  of  supply- 
ing the  grand  army  of  half  a  million  of  men  and 
100,000  horses  with  provisions,  how  well  he  was 
aware  of  the  great  danger  in  this  regard,  how  he 

10 


superintended  and  hastened  the  work  of  providing  for 
men  and  horses  by  every  possible  means,  that  he 
understood  all  the  circumstances  surrounding  the 
march  of  the  grand  army  through  a  vast  country 
populated  by  few,  and  these  mostly  serfs  who  had 
barely  sufficient  food  for  themselves  and  no  means  to 
replenish  their  stock  in  case  it  should  have  been 
exhausted  by  Napoleon's  system  of  requisition,  not  to 
speak  of  the  marauding  to  which  the  French  soldiers 
were  soon  forced  to  resort.  Ebstein  says  that  the 
cause  of  the  sad,  the  wretched  condition  concerning 
supplies  was  due  to  the  fact  that  incompetent  officers 
had  been  appointed  as  commissaries  of  the  army ;  they 
held  high  military  rank,  were  independent  and 
could  not  be  easily  reached  for  their  faults.  It  hap- 
pened that  soldiers  were  starving  near  well  rilled 
magazines,  such  magazines  at  Kowno,  Wilna,  Minsk, 
Orcha  being  not  only  well,  but  over,  filled,  while  the 
passing  troops  were  in  dire  need.  We  shall  later  on 
come  to  frightful  details  of  this  kind. 

The  miserable  maintenance  had  from  the  beginning 
a  demoralizing  effect  on  the  men,  manifested  by  deser- 
tion, insubordination,  marauding,  vandalism.  General 
Sir  Robert  Wilson,  British  commissioner  with  the 
headquarters  of  the  Russian  army,  quoted  by  Ebstein, 
says:  "The  French  army,  from  its  very  entrance  into 
the  Russian  territory  (and  this  cannot  be  repeated  too 
often  to  lend  the  proper  weight  to  the  consequences 
resulting  therefrom),  notwithstanding  order  on  order 
and  some  exemplary  punishments,  had  been  incor- 
rigibly guilty  of  every  excess.  It  had  not  only  seized 
with  violence  all  that  its  wants  demanded,  but  de- 
stroyed in  mere  wantonness  what  did  not  tempt  its 
cupidity.    No  vandal  ferocity  was  ever  more  destruc- 

20 


tive.  Those  crimes,  however,  were  not  committed 
with  impunity.  Want,  sickness,  and  an  enraged 
peasantry,  inflicted  terrible  reprisals,  and  caused  daily 
a  fearful  reduction  of  numbers. " 

But  this  description  of  the  Englishman  will  apply  to 
every  army  in  which  there  are  such  difficulties  in 
obtaining  the  necessary  supplies  as  they  existed  here 
on  the  forced  marches. 

Further,  he  does  not  speak  of  the  severe  punish- 
ments meted  out  to  the  culprits.  By  order  of  Napoleon 
entire  squads  of  marauders  were  shot,  von  Roos, 
chief  physician  of  a  Wuerttembergian  regiment,  has 
seen  that  before  their  execution  they  had  to  dig  their 
own  graves. 

In  Wilna  already  Davout  ordered  the  execution  of 
70,  and  in  Minsk  of  13,  marauders. 

A  Westphalian  officer,  von  Lossberg,  commander 
of  a  battalion,  wrote  in  his  letters  to  his  wife — which 
are  of  great  value  to  the  history  of  the  campaign — 
from  Toloschin  on  July  25 :  "On  our  march  we  met  a 
detachment  of  Davout's  corps;  they  shot  before  our 
eyes  a  commissary  of  the  army  who  had  been  con- 
demned to  death  for  fraud.  He  had  sold  for  200 
dollars  provisions  which  had  been  intended  for  the 
soldiers." 

Napoleon  had  stayed  several  days  at  Thorn,  inspect- 
ing the  departing  troops,  visiting  the  magazines,  be- 
stowing a  last  glance  upon  everything.  Before  the 
guards  left  their  cantonments  he  wanted  to  see  the  dif- 
ferent corps  and  hold  a  great  review.  He  loved  to 
see  again  the  manly  figures  of  the  soldiers,  their 
chests  of  iron,  these  braves  who  stood  before  him, 
immovable  in  parade,  irresistible  in  fight.  Their  bear- 
ing and  their  expression  gave  him  pleasure.    Notwith- 

21 


standing  the  fatigues  and  the  privations  of  the  march, 
enthusiasm  shone  on  all  the  faces,  in  the  brightening 
of  all  the  eyes.  He  wanted  to  give  with  his  own 
mouth  the  order  "forward  march"  to  the  regiments  of 
the  guard,  and  he  saw  the  endless  defile  of  these 
proud  uniforms,  heard  the  uninterrupted  beating  of 
the  drums,  the  sound  of  the  trumpets,  the  acclamation 
"Vive  l'Empereur"  of  the  beautiful  troops,  the  de- 
parture of  the  officers,  every  one  of  whom  had  orders 
to  set  in  motion  or  to  halt  human  masses.  All  this 
great  movement  around  him,  by  his  will,  at  his  word, 
animated  and  excited  him.  Now,  the  lot  having  irre- 
vocably been  cast,  he  surrenders  himself  completely 
to  his  instincts  as  warrior,  he  feels  himself  only  sol- 
dier, the  greatest  and  most  ardent  who  has  existed, 
he  dreams  of  nothing  but  victories  and  conquests.  At 
night,  after  having  given  orders  all  day  long,  he  slept 
only  at  intervals,  passing  part  of  the  night  walking 
up  and  down.  One  night  those  on  duty,  who  slept 
near  his  room,  were  surprised  hearing  him  sing  with 
plain  voice  a  popular  song  of  the  soldiers  of  the 
republic. 

On  June  6th.,  Napoleon  left  Thorn  while  all  the 
army  was  marching.  At  Danzig  he  saw  Murat,  whom 
he  had  called  directly  from  Naples.  He  did  not  wish 
him  near  except  for  the  fight  where  he  would  be  an 
ornament  in  battle  and  set  a  magnificent  example. 
Otherwise  he  considered  his  presence  useless  and 
hurtful.  He  had  taken  special  pains  to  keep  him 
away  from  Dresden,  from  the  assembly  of  sovereigns, 
from  contact  with  dynasties  of  the  ancien  regime, 
especially  of  the  house  of  Austria,  because  of  his 
being  a  king  of  recent  origin.  He  feared  the  indis- 
cretion   of    the    newly    made    kings    when    brought 

22 


together  with  the  sovereigns  by  the  grace  of  God.  He 
did  not  wish  that  any  intimacy  should  develop  between 
them. 

The  meeting  of  the  two  brothers-in-law  was  at  first 
cold  and  painful.  Each  had  a  grievance  against  the 
other  and  did  not  restrain  himself  at  all  to  pronounce 
it.  Murat  complained,  as  he  had  done  before,  that  he, 
as  King  of  Naples,  was  an  instrument  of  domina- 
tion and  tyranny,  and  added  that  he  could  find  a  way 
to  extricate  himself  from  such  an  intolerable  exigency. 
Napoleon  reproached  Murat  of  his  more  and  more 
marked  inclination  to  disobey,  of  his  digression  in 
language  and  conduct,  and  of  his  suspicious  actions.  He 
looked  at  him  with  a  severe  mien,  spoke  harsh  words, 
and  treated  him  altogether  with  severity.  But  then, 
suddenly  changing  his  tone,  he  spoke  to  him  in  a  lan- 
guage of  friendship,  of  wounded  and  misunderstood 
friendship,  became  emotional,  complained  of  ingrati- 
tude, and  recalled  the  memory  of  their  long  affection, 
their  military  comradery.  The  king  who  was  easily 
moved,  was  thinking  of  all  the  generosity  he  had 
enjoyed,  and  could  not  resist  the  appeal,  he  became 
emotional  in  his  turn,  almost  shed  tears,  forgot  all 
grief  for  a  while,  and  was  conquered. 

And  in  the  evening  before  his  intimates  the  em- 
peror lauded  himself  for  having  played  excellent 
comedy  to  regain  Murat,  that  he  had  by  turns  and 
very  successfully  enacted  anger  and  sentimentality 
with  this  Italian  pantaleone,  but,  added  he,  Murat  has 
a  good  heart. 

Ahead  of  the  emperor,  between  Danzig  and  Koe- 
nigsberg,  traversing  East  Prussia  and  some  districts  of 
Poland,  marched  the  army — under  what  difficulties 
has  been  described.     At  the  same  time,  through  the 

23 


Baltic  and  the  Frische  Haff,  came  the  more  ponderous 
war  material,  the  pontoons  and  the  heaviest  artillery, 
the  siege  guns.  To  complete  the  supply  of  provisions 
before  entering  upon  the  campaign  the  troops  ex- 
hausted the  land  by  making  extensive  requisitions.  The 
emperor  had  wished  that  all  should  go  on  regularly 
and  that  everything  taken  from  the  inhabitants  should 
be  paid  for,  but  this  the  soldiers  did  not  consider. 
They  took  and  emptied  the  granaries,  tore  down  the 
straw  from  the  roofs  of  the  peasants'  houses,  barns, 
and  stables  to  make  litter  for  their  horses,  and  treated 
the  inhabitants  not  as  friends,  but  as  if  they  were 
people  of  a  conquered  land.  The  cavalry  which  passed 
first  helped  themselves  for  their  horses  to  all  the  hay 
and  all  the  grass,  the  artillery  and  the  train  were 
obliged  to  take  from  the  fields  the  green  barley  and 
oats,  and  the  army  altogether  ruined  the  population 
where  it  passed.  The  men  obliged  to  disperse  during 
a  part  of  the  day  as  foragers,  got  into  the  habit 
of  disbanding  and  of  looseness  of  discipline,  and  the 
impossibility  manifested  itself  to  keep  in  order  and  in 
ranks  the  multitude  of  different  races,  different  in 
languages,  who  with  their  many  vehicles  represented 
a  regular  migration. 

Everything  became  monotonous — the  country,  the 
absence  of  an  enemy.  They  found  Prussia,  and 
especially  Poland,  ugly,  dirty,  miserable,  all  the  houses 
were  full  of  dirt  and  vermin,  domestic  animals  of  all 
kinds  were  the  intimate  syntrophoi  of  the  peasants  in 
their  living  rooms.  The  soldiers  bore  badly  the  incon- 
venience of  the  lodging,  the  coolness  of  the  night 
following  the  burning  heat  of  the  day,  the  fogs  in  the 
mornings.  But  they  consoled  themselves  with  illu- 
sions, painting  the  future  in  rosy  colors,  hoping  to 

24 


find  across  the  Niemen  a  better  soil,  a  different  people, 
more  favorable  to  the  soldier,  and  longed  for  Russia 
as  for  the  promised  land. 

The  Grand  Army  had  arrived  at  the  Niemen.  It 
was  on  June  24th.,  the  sun  rose  radiant  and  lightened 
with  his  fire  a  magnificent  scene.  To  the  troops  was 
read  a  short  and  energetic  proclamation.  Napoleon 
came  out  of  his  tent,  surrounded  by  his  officers, 
and  contemplated  with  his  field  glass  the  sight  of 
this  prodigious  force;  hundreds  of  thousands  of  sol- 
diers united  in  one  place!  One  could  not  find  any- 
thing comparable  to  the  enthusiasm  which  the 
presence  of  Napoleon  inspired  on  that  day. 
The  right  bank  of  the  river  was  covered  with  these 
magnificent  troops;  they  descended  from  the  heights 
and  spread  out  in  long  files  over  the  three  bridges, 
resembling  three  currents;  the  rays  of  the  sun  glit- 
tered on  the  bayonets  and  helmets,  and  the  cry  Vive 
V  Emperear !   was  heard  incessantly. 

If  I  were  to  give  a  full  description  to  do  justice 
to  the  magnificent  spectacle  I  would  have  to  quote 
from  the  journals  of  that  epoch,  and  if  I  were  a 
painter  I  could  not  find  a  greater  subject  for  my 
art. 


ON  TO  MOSCOW 

Arrived  in  Russia  the  French  were  soon  disap- 
pointed; gloomy  forests  and  sterile  soil  met  the  eye, 
all  was  sad  and  silent.  After  the  army  had  passed  the 
Niemen  and  entered  into  Poland  the  misery,  instead 
of  diminishing,  increased,  the  hour  had  struck  for 
these  unfortunates.  The  enemy  destroyed  everything 
on  retreating,  the  cattle  were  taken  to  distant  prov- 
inces ;  the  French  saw  the  destruction  of  the  fields,  the 
villages  were  deserted,  the  peasants  fled  upon  the  ap- 
pearance of  the  French  army,  all  inhabitants  had  left 
except  the  Jews.  When  the  army  came  to  Lithuania 
everything  seemed  to  be  in  league  against  the  French. 
It  was  a  rainy  season,  the  soldiers  marched  through 
vast  and  gloomy  forests,  and  all  was  melancholy.  One 
could  have  imagined  himself  to  be  in  a  desert  if  it 
had  not  been  for  the  vehicles,  the  cursing  of  the 
drivers,  discontented  on  account  of  hunger  and  fatigue, 
the  imprecations  of  the  soldiers  on  every  occasion; 
bad  humor,  due  to  privations,  prevailed  everywhere. 
It  would  seem  as  if  the  furies  of  hell  were  marching 
at  the  heels  of  the  army.  The  roads  were  in  a  terrible 
condition,  almost  unpassable  on  account  of  the  rain 
which  had  been  continuous  since  the  crossing  of  the 
Niemen ;  the  artillery  wagons  especially  gave  great 
trouble  in  passing  marshes,  and,  on  account  of  the 

26 


extreme  exhaustion  of  the  horses,  a  great  many  of 
these  vehicles  had  to  be  abandoned.  The  horses 
receiving  no  nourishment  but  green  herbs  could  resist 
even  less  than  the  men  and  they  fell  by  the  hundred. 

The  improper  feeding  of  the  animals  caused  gastric 
disturbances,  alternately  diarrhoea  and  constipation, 
enormous  tympanitis,  peritonitis.  It  is  touching  to 
read  of  the  devotion  of  German  cavalrymen  to  their 
poor  horses.  They  would  introduce  the  whole  arm 
into  the  bowel  to  relieve  the  suffering  creatures  of  the 
accumulated  fecal  masses. 

As  the  army  advanced  over  these  roads  the  extreme 
want  of  provisions  was  bitterly  felt.  The  warriors 
already  reduced  to  such  an  excess  of  misery  were 
exposed  to  rain  without  being  able  to  dry  themselves; 
to  nourish  themselves  they  were  forced  to  resort  to 
the  most  horrible  marauding,  and  sometimes  they  had 
nothing  to  eat  for  twenty- four  hours  or  even  longer. 
They  ran  through  the  land  in  all  directions,  disregard- 
ing all  dangers,  sometimes  many  miles  away  from 
the  route,  to  find  provisions.  Wherever  they  came 
they  went  through  the  houses  from  the  foundation  to 
the  roof,  and  when  they  found  animals  they  took  them 
away ;  no  attention  was  paid  to  the  feeling  of  the  poor 
peasants  and  nothing  was  considered  as  being  too 
harsh  for  them;  in  most  instances  the  latter  had  run 
away  for  fear  of  maltreatment.  Nothing  is  so  afflict- 
ing as  to  see  the  rapacity  of  pillaging  soldiers,  stealing 
and  destroying  everything  coming  under  their  hands. 
They  took  to  excess  vodka  found  in  the  magazines 
which  the  enemy  had  not  destroyed,  or  in  the  castles 
off  the  main  route.  In  consequence  of  this  abuse  of 
alcohol  while  in  their  feeble  condition  many  perished. 
The  enemy  retreated  behind  the  Dwina  and  fortified 

27 


himself  in  camp.  It  was  thought  that  he  would  give 
battle,  and  all  enjoyed  this  prospect. 

On  July  20,  at  a  time  when  the  conditions  of  the 
army  were  already  terrible,  the  heat  became  excessive. 
The  rains  ceased;  there  were  no  rainy  days,  except 
an  occasional  storm,  until  September  17.  The  poor 
infantrymen  were  to  be  pitied;  they  had  to  carry  their 
arms,  their  effects,  their  cartridges,  harassed  by  con- 
tinuous fatigue,  overpowered  by  hunger  and  a  thou- 
sand sorrows,  and  were  obliged  to  march  10,  12,  15, 
and  sometimes  even  16  and  17  miles  a  day  over  dusty 
roads  under  a  burning  sun,  all  the  time  tormented  by 
a  cruel  thirst.  But  all  this  has  been  fully  described  in 
an  earlier  chapter. 

On  July  23  the  Prince  of  Eckmuehl  (Davout)  had 
a  very  hot  engagement  with  the  Russian  army  corps 
under  Prince  Bagratian  before  Mohilew;  on  July  25, 
a  bloody  battle  was  fought  near  Ostrowno.  The 
houses  and  other  buildings  of  Ostrowno  were  filled 
with  wounded,  the  battlefield  covered  with  corpses  of 
men  and  horses,  and  the  hot  weather  caused  quick 
putrefaction.  Kerckhove  visited  the  battlefield  on 
June  28  and  says:  "I  have  no  words  to  describe  the 
horror  of  seeing  the  unburied  cadavers,  infesting  the 
air,  and  among  the  dead  many  helpless  wounded  with- 
out a  drop  of  water,  exposed  to  the  hot  sun,  crying  in 
rage  and  despair.,, 

Napoleon  made  preparations  to  attack  on  July  28, 
but  the  enemy  had  retreated.  At  Witepsk,  hospitals 
were  established  for  the  wounded  from  Ostrowno, 
among  them  800  Russians.  However,  the  designation 
"hospital"  is  hardly  applicable,  for  everything  was 
wanting;  the  patients  in  infected  air,  crowded,  and 
surrounded  by  uncleanliness,  without   food  or  medi- 

28 


cincs.  These  hospitals  were  in  reality  death-houses. 
The  physicians  did  what  they  could.  On  August  18, 
the  French  army  entered  Smolensk  which  had  been 
destroyed  by  projectiles  and  by  fire;  ruins  filled  with 
the  dead  and  dying;  and  in  the  midst  of  this  desolation 
the  terror-stricken  inhabitants  running  everywhere, 
looking  for  members  of  their  families — many  of  whom 
had  been  killed  by  bullets  or  by  flames — or  sitting 
before  their  still  smoking  homes,  tearing  their  hair, 
a  picture  of  distress  truly  heartrending.  The  soldiers 
who  were  the  first  to  enter  Smolensk  found  flour, 
brandy  and  wine,  but  these  things  were  devoured  in 
an  instant.  There  were  10  thousand  wounded  in  the 
so-called  hospitals,  and  among  these  unfortunates 
typhus  and  hospital  gangraene  developed  rapidly;  the 
sick  lying  on  the  floor  without  even  straw. 
Holzhausen  gives  the  following  description: 
After  Smolensk  had  been  evacuated  by  the  Russians, 
most  houses  had  been  burnt  out ;  the  retreating  Rus- 
sians had  destroyed  everything  that  could  be  of  any 
use.  Corpses  everywhere.  Nobody  had  time  to 
remove  them,  and  the  cannons,  the  freight  wagons, 
the  horses,  and  the  infantry  passed  over  them.  On 
August  17th.  and  18th.,  was  the  battle  of  Polotsk  in 
which  the  Bavarians  distinguished  themselves.  There 
were  no  medicines  for  the  wounded,  not  even  drinking 
water,  no  bread,  no  salt.  Of  the  many  unhealthy 
places  in  Russia  this  is  the  worst,  it  swarms  with 
insects.  Nostalgia  was  prevailing.  They  had  a 
so-called  dying  chamber  in  the  hospital  for  which  the 
soldiers  were  longing,  to  rest  there  on  straw,  never 
to  rise  again. 

Awaiting  their  last  the  pious  Bavarians   repeated 
aloud  their  rosary,  took  refuge  with  the  Jesuits,  who 

29 


had  a  convent  at  Polotsk,  to  receive  the  consolation 
of  their  religion. 

Some  thought  Napoleon  would  rest  here  to  establish 
the  Polish  kingdom.  But  this  reasonable  idea,  if  he 
had  ever  entertained  it,  he  discarded.  By  giving  his 
troops  winter  quarters,  establishing  magazines  and 
hospitals  he  would  have  succeeded  in  subduing  Russia 
by  reinforcing  his  army;  instead  of  all  this  he  went 
on  to  Moscow  without  provisions,  without  magazines. 

On  August  30,  the  army  reached  Wiasma,  a  city  of 
8  thousand  or  9  thousand  inhabitants  which  had  been 
set  on  fire  upon  the  approach  of  the  French.  All  the 
inhabitants  had  left.  The  soldiers  fought  the  flames 
and  saved  some  houses  into  which  they  brought  those 
of  their  wounded  and  sick  who  could  not  drag  them- 
selves any  farther.  Cases  of  typhus  were  numerous. 
From  Wiasma  the  army  marched  to  Ghiat,  a  city  of 
6  thousand  or  7  thousand  inhabitants;  at  this  place 
Napoleon  gave  a  two  days'  rest  in  order  that  the  army 
could  rally,  clean  their  arms  and  prepare  for  battle 
(the  battle  of  Borodino  on  September  7.  This 
battle  is  known  under  three  names :  the  Russians  have 
called  it  after  the  village  of  Borodino,  of  200  inhabit- 
ants, near  the  battlefield  and  have  now  erected  a 
monument  there,  a  collonade  crowned  with  a  cross; 
some  historians  have  called  it  the  battle  of  Moshaisk, 
after  a  nearby  town  of  4  thousand  inhabitants,  and 
Napoleon  has  named  it  the  battle  of  the  Moskwa, 
after  a  river  near  the  battlefield.)  Napoleon  had  only 
120  thousand  to  130  thousand  under  arms,  about 
as  many  as  the  Russians.  It  was  6 130  a.m.,  a  beautiful 
sunrise.  Napoleon  called  it  the  sun  of  Austerlitz. 
The  Russian  generals  made  their  soldiers  say  their 
prayers.    A  French  cannon  gave  the  signal  to  attack, 

30 


and  at  once  the  French  batteries  opened  the  battle 
with  a  discharge  of  more  than  ioo  cannon.  Writing 
this  medical  history  of  the  Russian  campaign  I  feel 
tempted  to  give  a  description  of  this  most  frightful, 
most  cruel  of  all  battles  in  the  history  of  the  world 
in  which  about  1,200  cannon  without  interruption  dealt 
destruction  and  death;  fracas  and  tumult  of  arms  of 
all  kinds,  the  harangue,  the  shouts  of  the  commanders, 
the  cries  of  rage,  the  lamentations  of  the  wounded,  all 
blended  into  one  terrible  din.  Both  armies  charged 
with  all  the  force  that  terror  could  develop.  French 
and  Russian  soldiers  not  only  fought  like  furious 
lions  rivaling  each  other  in  ardor  and  courage,  but 
they  fought  with  wild  joy,  devoid  of  all  human  feel- 
ing, like  maniacs ;  they  threw  themselves  on  the  enemy 
where  he  was  most  numerous,  in  a  manner  which 
manifested  the  highest  degree  of  despair.  The  French 
had  to  gain  the  victory  or  succumb  to  misery;  victory 
or  death  was  their  only  thought.  The  Russians  felt 
themselves  humiliated  by  the  approach  of  the  French 
to  their  capital,  and  unshaken  as  a  rock  they  resisted, 
defending  themselves  with  grim  determination.  The 
battle,  Napoleon  promised,  would  be  followed  by  peace 
and  good  winter  quarters,  but  he  was  not  as  good  a 
prophet  as  he  was  a  good  general. 

During  the  day  the  Westphalian  corps  was  reduced 
to  1500  men.  Napoleon  ordered  these  to  do  guard- 
duty  on  the  battlefield,  transport  the  immense  number 
of  wounded  to  the  hospitals,  bury  the  dead  and  to 
remain  while  the  army  marched  and  stayed  at  Moscow. 
What  the  Westphalians  could  do  for  the  wounded  was 
very  little,  for  everything  was  wanting.  The  hospital 
system  was  incomplete,  miserable.  It  is  true,  the 
surgeons    dressed,    operated,    amputated,    during   the 

31 


battle  and  during  the  days  following,  a  great  many 
wounded,  but  their  number  and  their  assistance  was 
inadequate  for  the  enormous  task ;  thousands  remained 
without  proper  attendance  and  died. 

About  one  thousand  Wuerttembergians  were 
wounded  in  the  battle  of  Borodino,  and  on  many  of 
these  surgical  operations  had  to  be  performed.  Strange 
to  say,  the  greatest  operations  on  enfeebled  wounded 
were  more  successful,  a  great  many  more  were  saved, 
than  was  generally  the  case  under  more  favorable 
circumstances.  Thus  Surgeon  General  von  Kohlreuter 
observed  that  in  the  Russian  campaign  amputation  of 
an  arm,  for  instance,  gave  much  better  chances,  more 
recoveries,  than  in  the  Saxon  and  French  campaigns, 
during  which  latter  the  soldiers  were  still  robust,  well 
nourished  and  well,  even  in  abundance,  supplied  with 
everything. 

Means  of  transportation  were  lacking,  for  no 
wagons  could  be  found  in  the  deserted  villages,  and 
for  this  reason  many  whose  wounds  had  been  dressed 
had  to  be  left  to  their  fate — to  die.  Those  but  slightly 
wounded  and  those  even  who  could  crawl  in  some 
manner  followed  the  troops,  or  went  back  at  random 
to  find  their  death  in  some  miserable  hut.  Many 
sought  refuge  in  nearby  villages,  sometimes  miles 
away  from  the  battle-field,  there  to  fall  into  the  hands 
of  the  Cossacks. 

The  Westphalians  remained  on  the  battle-field  sur- 
rounded by  corpses  and  dying  men,  and  they  were 
forced  to  change  position  from  time  to  time  on  account 
of  the  stench.  The  scenes  of  suffering  and  distress 
which  the  battle-field  presented  everywhere  surpassed 
all  description ;  the  groans  of  the  mutilated  and  dying 
followed  the  men  on  guard  even  at  a  distance,  and 

32 


especially  was  this  terrible  during  the  night;  it  filled 
the  heart  with  horror,  von  Borcke  said  that  soldiers,  at 
the  request  of  some  of  the  wounded  in  extreme  agony, 
shot  them  dead  and  turned  the  face  away  while  shoot- 
ing. And  soon  they  considered  this  an  act  of  pity. 
The  officers  even  induced  them  to  look  for  those  who 
could  not  be  saved,  in  order  to  relieve  them  from  their 
suffering.  When  von  Borcke  was  riding  on  horse- 
back over  the  battle-field  on  the  5th.  day  after  the 
battle  he  saw  wounded  soldiers  lying  alongside  the 
cadaver  of  a  horse,  gnawing  at  its  flesh.  During  the 
night  flames  could  be  seen  here  and  there  on  this  field 
of  death;  these  were  fires  built  by  wounded  soldiers 
who  had  crawled  together  to  protect  themselves  from 
the  cold  of  the  night  and  to  roast  a  piece  of  horseflesh. 
On  September  12th.  the  Westphalians  moved  to  Mo- 
shaisk,  which  was  deserted  by  all  inhabitants,  plun- 
dered, and  half  in  ashes.  While  the  battle  raged  sev- 
eral thousand  wounded  Russians  had  taken  refuge 
there,  who  now,  some  alive  and  some  dead,  filled  all  the 
houses  of  the  town.  Burnt  bodies  were  lying  in  the 
ruins  of  the  houses  which  had  been  burnt,  the  entrance 
of  these  places  being  almost  blockaded  by  cadavers. 
The  only  church,  which  stood  on  the  public  square 
in  the  middle  of  the  town,  contained  several  hundred 
wounded  and  as  many  corpses  of  men  dead  for  a 
number  of  days.  One  glance  into  this  infected  church, 
a  regular  pest-house,  made  the  blood  curdle.  Surgeons 
went  inside  and  had  the  dead  piled  up  on  the  square 
around  the  church;  those  still  alive  and  suffering 
received  the  first  aid,  order  was  established  and 
gradually  a  hospital  arranged.  Soldiers,  Westphalians 
as  well  as  Russian  prisoners,  were  ordered  to  remove 
the  corpses  from  the  houses  and  the  streets,  and  then 

33 


a  recleansing  of  the  whole  town  was  necessary  before 
it  could  be  occupied  by  the  troops.  Although  there 
was  only  one  stone  building — and  a  hundred  wooden 
ones — it  gave  quarters  to  the  whole  Westphalian  corps. 
Two  regiments,  one  of  Hussars,  the  other  of  the  light 
Horse  Guards,  both  together  numbering  not  more 
than  300  men,  had  taken  possession  of  a  monastery 
in  the  neighborhood.  Two  regiments  of  cuirassiers 
had  marched  with  the  French  to  Moscow. 

In  the  quarters  of  Moshaisk  the  Westphalians 
enjoyed  a  time  of  rest,  while  the  events  in  Moscow 
took  place.  The  fate  of  those  who  had  remained  in 
Moshaisk  was  not  enviable,  but  what  had  been  left 
of  the  town  offered  at  least  shelter  during  the  cold 
nights  of  the  approaching  winter.  This  was  a  good 
deal  after  the  fearful  hardships,  and  it  contributed 
much  toward  the  recuperation  of  the  soldiers.  Con- 
valescents arrived  daily,  also  such  as  had  remained 
in  the  rear;  a  number  of  the  slightly  wounded  wrere 
able  for  duty  again,  and  in  this  manner  the  number 
of  men  increased  to  4,500.  Life  in  Moshaisk  was  a 
constant  struggle  for  sustenance.  There  were  no 
inhabitants,  not  even  a  single  dog  or  any  other  living 
animal  which  the  inhabitants  had  left  behind.  Some 
provisions  found  in  houses  or  hidden  somewhere 
benefited  only  those  who  had  discovered  them.  The 
place  upon  the  whole  was  a  desert  for  the  hungry. 
Small  detachments  had  to  be  sent  out  for  supplies. 
At  first  this  system  proved  satisfactory,  and  with 
what  had  been  brought  in  from  the  vicinity  regular 
rations  could  be  distributed.  But  the  instinct  of  self- 
preservation  had  become  so  predominating  that  every 
one  thought  only  of  himself.  Officers  would  send 
men  clandestinely  for  their  own  sake,  and  when  this 

34 


was  discovered  it  ended  in  a  fight  and  murder.  Every- 
one was  anxious  to  provide  for  himself  individually, 
to  be  prepared  for  the  coming  winter.  Sutlers  and 
speculators  went  to  Moscow  to  take  advantage  of  the 
general  pillage,  to  procure  luxuries,  like  coffee,  sugar, 
tea,  wine,  delicacies  of  all  description.  Notwithstand- 
ing the  great  conflagration  at  Moscow  immense  stores 
of  all  these  things  had  come  into  the  hands  of  the 
French,  and  this  had  an  influence  on  Moshaisk,  forty 
miles  away  from  the  metropolis,  von  Borke  was 
fortunate  enough  to  secure  a  supply  of  coffee,  tea, 
and  sugar,  sufficient  not  only  for  himself,  but  also  for 
some  friends,  and  lasting  even  for  some  weeks  on  the 
retreat.  But  the  supply  of  meat,  and  especially  bread, 
was  inadequate  for  the  mass  of  soldiers.  Ten  days 
had  elapsed  when  the  situation  of  those  in  Moshaisk 
became  grave  again,  namely,  when  communication 
with  Moscow  was  cut  off.  Orderlies  did  not  arrive, 
no  more  convalescents  came,  news  could  not  be  had, 
details  of  soldiers  sent  out  for  supplies  were  killed  or 
taken  prisoner  by  Cossacks.  The  retreat  of  the 
French  army,  the  last  act  of  the  great  drama,  com- 
menced. 

While  the  Westphalians  guarded  the  battle-field  the 
army  marched  to  Moscow,  exhausted,  starving,  finding 
new  sufferings  every  day.  On  the  road  from  Mo- 
shaisk to  Moscow  they  encountered  frightful  condi- 
tions in  the  villages  which  were  filled  with  wounded 
Russians.  These  unfortunates,  abandoned  to  cruel 
privations,  dying  as  much  from  starvation  as  from 
their  wounds,  excited  pity.  The  water  even  was 
scarce,  and  when  a  source  was  discovered  it  was 
generally  polluted,  soiled  with  all  sorts  of  filth,  infected 
by  cadavers;  but  all  this  did  not  prevent  the  soldiers 

35 


from  drinking  it  with  great  avidity,  and  they  fought 
among  themselves  to  approach  it.  All  these  details 
have  to  be  known  before  studying  typhus  in  the  grand 
army. 


The  description  of  diseases  given  by  the  physicians 
who  lived  a  century  ago  is  for  us  unsatisfactory;  we 
cannot  understand  what  they  meant  by  their  vague 
designating  of  hepatitis,  fibrous  enteritis,  diarrhoea 
and  dysentery,  peripneumonia,  remittent  and  inter- 
mittent gastric  fever,  protracted  nervous  fever,  typhus 
and  synochus ;  there  is  no  distinction  made  in  any  of 
the  writings  of  that  period  between  abdominal  and 
exanthematic  typhus. 

However,  before  long  physicians  will  discard  much 
from  our  present  medical  onomatology  that  is 
ridiculous,  absurd,  incorrect,  in  short,  unscientific,  as, 
for  instance,  the  designation  typhoid  fever. 

Ebstein  has  pointed  out  all  that  is  obscure  to  us  in 
the  reports  of  the  physicians  of  the  Russian  campaign ; 
for  instance,  that  we  cannot  distinguish  what  is  meant 
by  the  different  forms  of  fever.  According  to  the 
views  of  those  times  fever  was  itself  a  disease  per  se; 
when  reaction  was  predominating  it  was  called 
synocha,  typhus  when  weakness  was  the  feature,  and 
in  case  of  a  combination  of  synocha  and  typhus  it  was 
called  synochus,  a  form  in  which  there  was  at  first  an 
inflammatory  and  later  on  a  typhoid  stage,  but  which 
form  could  not  be  distinguished  exactly  from  typhus. 
From  all  the  descriptions  in  the  reports  of  the  Russian 
campaign  it  can  be  deduced  that  many  of  the  cases 
enumerated  were  of  exanthematic  typhus,  notwith- 
standing that  the  symptomatology  given  is  very  incom- 
plete, not  to  speak  of  the  pathological  anatomy.    The 

36 


only  writer  who  has  described  necropsies  is  von 
Scherer.  Some  of  the  physicians  speak  only  of  the 
sick  and  the  diseases,  as  Bourgeois,  who  says  that  on 
the  march  to  Russia  during  the  sultry  weather  the 
many  cadavers  of  horses  putrefied  rapidly,  filling  the 
air  with  miasms,  and  that  this  caused  much  disease; 
further,  in  describing  the  retreat  he  only  says  that  the 
army  was  daily  reduced  in  consequence  of  the  con- 
stant fighting,  the  privations  and  diseases,  without 
enumerating  which  diseases  were  prevailing;  only  in 
a  note  attached  to  his  booklet  he  mentions  that  the 
most  frequent  of  the  ravaging  diseases  of  that  time 
and  during  the  Russian  campaign  in  general  was 
typhus,  and  there  can  be  no  doubt  it  was  petechial  or 
exanthematic  typhus,  for  which  the  English  literature 
.    has  the  vague  name  typhus  fever. 

Very  interesting  are  the  historical  data  given  by 
Ebstein :  "As  is  well'  known,  the  fourth  and  most 
severe  typhus  period  of  the  eighteenth  century  began 
with  the  wars  of  the  French  revolution  and  ended  only 
during  the  second  decade  of  the  nineteenth  century 
with  the  downfall  of  the  Napoleonic  empire  and  the 
restoration  of  peace  in  Germany."  During  the 
Russian  campaign  the  conditions  for  spreading  the 
disease  were  certainly  the  most  favorable  imaginable. 

Krantz,  whom  I  shall  quote  later  on,  has  described 
the  ophthalmy  prevailing  in  York's  corps  as  being  of  a 
mild  character. 

Quite  different  forms  reigned  among  the  soldiers 
on  their  retreat  from  Moscow. 

The  description  of  the  death  from  frost  given  by 
von  Scherer  is  similar  to  that  given  by  Bourgeois. 
The  men  staggered  as  if  drunk,  their  faces  were  red 
and  swollen,  it  looked  as  if  all  their  blood  had  risen 

37 


into  their  head.  Powerless  they  dropped,  as  if 
paralyzed,  the  arms  were  hanging  down,  the  musket 
fell  out  of  their  hands.  The  moment  they  lost  their 
strength  tears  came  to  their  eyes,  repeatedly  they 
arose,  apparently  deprived  of  their  senses,  and  stared 
shy  and  terror-stricken  at  their  surroundings.  The 
physiognomy,  the  spasmodic  contractions  of  the 
muscles  of  the  face,  manifested  the  cruel  agony  which 
they  suffered.  The  eyes  were  very  red,  and  drops 
of  blood  trickled  from  the  conjunctiva.  Without 
exaggeration  it  could  be  said  of  these  unfortunates 
that  they  shed  bloody  tears.  These  severe  forms  of 
ophthalmy  caused  by  extreme  cold  would  have  ended 
in  gangraene  of  the  affected  parts  if  death  had  not 
relieved  the  misery  of  these  unfortunates. 

But  Bourgeois  describes  another  very  severe  form 
of  ophthalmy  among  the  soldiers  which  caused  total 
blindness.  It  appeared  when  the  army  on  its  retreat 
was  in  the  vicinity  of  Orscha,  attacked  many  soldiers 
and  resembled  the  ophthalmy  which  was  prevailing  in 
Egypt ;  there  it  was  caused  by  the  heated  sand  reflect- 
ing powerfully  the  rays  of  the  sun ;  here,  by  the  glar- 
ing white  snow  likewise  reflecting  the  rays  of  the  sun. 
Bourgeois  considers  as  predisposing  moments  the 
smoke  of  the  camp-fires,  the  want  of  sleep,  the  march- 
ing during  the  night,  and  describes  the  affection  as 
follows:  The  conjunctiva  became  dark  red,  swelled 
together  with  the  eyelids;  there  was  a  greatly  exag- 
gerated lachrymal  secretion  associated  with  severe 
pain;  the  eyes  were  constantly  wet,  the  photophobia 
reached  such  a  degree  that  the  men  became  totally 
blind,  suffered  most  excruciating  pain  and  fell  on  the 
road. 

Ebstein    availed    himself    of    the    publications    of 

as 


J.  L.  R.  de  Kerckhove,  Rene  Bourgeois,  J.  Lemazurier, 
and  Joh.  von  Scherer,  and  the  manuscript  of  Harnier 
from  which  writings  he  collected  all  that  refers  to 
the  diseases  of  the  grand  army.  It  may  not  be  out  of 
place  to  quote  the  interesting  writings  of  de  Kerck- 
hove concerning  the  army  physicians  and  Napoleon 
and  his  soldiers : 

de  Kerckhove  left  Mayence  on  March  6th.,  1812, 
attached  to  the  headquarters  of  the  3rd.  corps,  com- 
manded by  Ney;  at  Thorn  he  joined  those  braves  with 
whom  he  entered  Moscow  on  September  14th.  and  with 
whom  he  left  on  October  19th.  When  he  returned  to 
Berlin  in  the  beginning  of  February,  1813,  the  3rd. 
corps  was  discharged.  He  writes :  The  army  was  not 
only  the  most  beautiful,  but  there  was  none  which 
included  so  many  brave  warriors,  more  heroes.  How 
many  parents  have  cried  over  the  loss  of  their  children 
tenderly  raised  by  them,  how  many  sons,  the  only  hope 
and  support  of  their  father  and  mother,  have  perished, 
how  many  bonds  of  friendship  have  been  severed, 
how  many  couples  have  been  separated  forever,  how 
many  unfortunate  ones  drawn  into  misery?  An  army 
extinguished  by  hunger  and  cold ! 

Giving  credit  to  the  physicians  and  surgeons  who 
took  part  in  that  unfortunate  expedition  he  says : 
With  what  noble  zeal  they  tried  to  do  their  duties. 
The  horror  of  the  privations,  the  severity  of  the 
climate  and  fatigues  and  the  want  of  eatables  and 
medicines  which  characterized  the  hospitals  and 
ambulances  in  Russia,  have  not  discouraged  the  phy- 
sicians so  far  as  to  become  indifferent  to  the  terrible 
fate  reserved  for  the  sick.  On  the  contrary,  far  from 
allowing  themselves  to  relax,  they  have  doubled  their 
activity  to  ameliorate  sufferings.    We  have  seen  physi- 

39 


cians  in  the  midst  of  the  carnage  and  the  terror  of  the 
battles  extend  their  care  and  bring  consolation;  we 
have  seen  them  sacrificing  day  and  night  in  hospital 
service,  succumbing  to  murderous  epidemics;  in  one 
word,  despising  all  danger  when  it  was  a  question  of 
relieving  the  sufferings  of  the  warriors,  immaterial 
whether  Russian  or  French.  We  can  speak  of  many- 
sick  or  wounded  left  in  ambulances  or  hospitals  in 
want  of  food  and  medicines,  many  of  such  unfor- 
tunates deprived  of  everything,  dragging  themselves 
under  the  ruins  of  cities  or  villages,  who  found  help 
from  honest  physicians. 


40 


THE  GRAND  ARMY  IN  MOSCOW 

Three  fifths  of  the  houses  and  one  half  of  the 
churches  were  destroyed.  The  citizens  had  burned 
their  capital.  Before  this  catastrophe  of  1812  Mos- 
cow was  an  aristocratic  city.  According  to  old  usage, 
the  Russian  nobility  spent  the  winter  there,  they  came 
from  their  country  seats  with  hundreds  of  slaves  and 
servants  and  many  horses;  their  palaces  in  the  city 
were  surrounded  by  parks  and  lakes,  and  many  build- 
ings were  erected  on  the  grounds,  as  lodgings  for  the 
servants  and  slaves,  stables,  magazines.  The  number 
of  servants  was  great,  many  of  them  serving  for  no 
other  purpose  than  to  increase  the  number,  and  this 
calling  was  part  of  the  luxury  of  the  noblemen.  The 
house  of  the  seigneur  was  sometimes  of  brick,  rarely 
of  stone,  generally  of  wood,  all  were  covered  with 
copper  plates  or  with  iron,  painted  red  or  green.  The 
magazines  were  mostly  stone  buildings,  on  account  of 
the  danger  of  fire.  At  that  time  the  Russian  nobility 
had  not  yet  accustomed  itself  to  consider  St.  Peters- 
burg the  capital,  they  were  obstinate  in  the  determina- 
tion to  come  every  winter  to  hold  court  in  the  mother 
of  Russian  cities.  The  conflagration  of  1812  broke 
this  tradition.  The  nobility,  not  willing  or  not  being 
able  to  rebuild  their  houses,  rented  the  ground  to 
citizens,  and  industry,  prodigiously  developing  since 
then,  has  taken  possession  of  Moscow.     This  is  how 

41 


the  city  has  lost  its  floating  population  of  noblemen 
and  serfs,  which  amounted  to  ioo  thousand  souls,  and 
how  the  aristocratic  city  has  become  an  industrial  one. 
It  is  a  new  city,  but  the  fire  of  1812,  from  the  ashes 
of  which  it  has  risen,  has  left  impressions  on  the  monu- 
ments. Step  by  step  in  the  Kremlin  and  in  the  city 
proper  are  found  souvenirs  of  the  patriotic  war.  You 
enter  the  Kremlin  which  Napoleon  tried  to  explode, 
and  which  has  been  restored,  you  visit  there  the  church 
of  the  Annunciation,  and  you  will  be  told  that  the 
French  soldiers  had  stabled  their  horses  on  the  pave- 
ment of  agate;  you  visit  the  church  of  the  Assumption 
and  you  will  be  shown  the  treasures  which,  on  the 
approach  of  the  French,  had  been  taken  to  places  of 
safety ;  you  raise  your  eye  to  the  summit  of  the  tower 
of  Ivan  and  you  learn  that  the  cross  had  been  removed 
by  the  invaders  and  found  in  the  baggage  of  the  Grand 
Army.  The  door  of  St.  Nicholas  has  an  inscription 
recalling  the  miracle  by  which  this  door  was  saved  in 
1 8 12.  The  tower  surmounting  it  was  split  by  an  ex- 
plosion from  above  downward,  but  the  fissure  ended 
at  the  very  point  where  the  icon  is  found;  the  ex- 
plosion of  500  pounds  of  powder  did  not  break  even 
the  glass  which  covers  the  image  or  the  crystal  of  the 
lamp  which  burns  before  it.  Along  the  walls  of  the 
arsenal  are  the  cannon  taken  from  the  enemy,  and  in 
the  arsenal  are  other  trophies,  including  the  camp-bed 
of  Napoleon. 

Russian  accounts  from  eye-witnesses  of  the  con- 
flagration are  few — in  fact,  there  exists  none  in  writ- 
ing. People  who  witnessed  the  catastrophe  could  not 
write.  What  we  possess  are  collections  from  verbal 
accounts  given  by  servants,  serfs,  who  had  told  the 
events  to  their  masters.     Nobody  of  distinction  had 

42 


remained  in  Moscow,  none  of  the  nobility,  the  clergy, 
the  merchants.  The  persons  from  whom  the  following 
accounts  are  given  were  the  nun  Antonine,  a  former 
slave  of  the  Syraxine  family,  the  little  peddler  Andreas 
Alexieef,  a  woman,  Alexandra  Alexievna  Nazarot,  an 
old  slave  of  the  family  Soimonof  by  the  name  of 
Basilli  Ermolaevitch,  the  wife  of  a  pope,  Maria 
Stepanova,  the  wife  of  another  pope,  Helene  Alex- 
ievna. A  Russian  lady  has  collected  what  she  had 
learned  from  these  humble  people,  the  eye-witnesses 
of  the  catastrophe,  and  published  it,  pseudonym,  in 
some  Russian  journal.  All  these  people  had  minutely 
narrated  their  experiences  to  her  at  great  length,  not 
omitting  any  detail  which  concerned  themselves  or 
circumstances  which  caused  their  surprise,  and  they 
all  gave  the  dates,  the  hours  which  they  had  tenaciously 
kept  in  their  memory  for  sixty  years,  for  it  was  in  the 
year  1872  when  the  Russian  lady  interrogated  them. 
Some  had  retained  from  those  days  of  terror  such 
vivid  impressions  that  a  conflagration  or  the  sight  of 
a  soldier's  casque  would  cause  them  palpitation  of  the 
heart.  There  is  much  repetition  in  their  narrations, 
for  all  had  seen  the  same:  the  invasion,  the  enemy, 
the  fire  kindled  by  their  own  people,  the  misery,  the 
dearth,  the  pillage.  There  exist  documents  of  the 
events  in  Moscow  of  1812,  the  souvenirs  of  Count 
de  Toll,  the  apology  of  Rostopchine,  which  we  shall 
come  to  in  another  chapter,  the  recitals  of  Domerque, 
of  Wolzogen,  of  Segur,  but  these  reminiscences  of 
people  in  Moscow  are  the  only  ones  from  persons  who 
actually  suffered  by  the  catastrophe,  and  they  are  in 
their  way  as  valuable  as  the  writings  of  our  two 
writers,  von  Scherer  and  von  Borcke.  These  plain 
people  know  nothing  of  the  days  of  Erfurt,  nothing 

43 


of  the  continental  blocus,  nothing  of  the  withdrawal 
of  Alexander  from  the  French  Alliance;  the  bearers 
of  the  toulloupes  (sheepskin  furs)  in  the  streets  of 
Moscow  of  the  beginning  of  1812  knew  nothing  of  the 
confederation  of  the  Rhine;  all  they  knew  of  Bona- 
parte was  that  he  had  often  beaten  the  Germans,  and 
that  on  his  account  they  had  to  pay  more  for  sugar 
and  coffee.  To  them  the  great  comet  of  181 1  was  the 
first  announcement  of  coming  great  events.  Let  us 
see  the  reflections  which  the  comet  inspired  in  the 
abbess  of  the  Devitchi  convent  and  the  nun  Antonine, 
and  this  will  give  us  an  idea  of  the  mental  condition 
of  the  latter,  one  of  the  narrators.  "One  evening," 
she  relates,  "we  were  at  service  in  St.  John's  church, 
when  all  of  a  sudden  I  noticed  on  the  horizon  a  gerbe 
of  resplendent  flames.  I  cried  out  and  dropped  my 
lantern.  Mother  abbess  came  to  me  to  learn  what 
had  caused  my  fright,  and  when  she  also  had  seen  the 
meteor  she  contemplated  a  long  time.  I  asked,  Ma- 
touchka,  what  star  is  this?  She  answered  this  is  no 
star,  this  is  a  comet.  I  asked  again  what  is  a  comet? 
I  never  had  heard  that  word.  The  mother  then 
explained  to  me  that  this  was  a  sign  from  heaven 
which  God  had  sent  to  foretell  great  misfortune. 
Every  evening  this  comet  was  seen,  and  we  asked 
ourselves  what  calamity  this  one  might  bring  us.  In 
the  cells  of  the  convent,  in  the  shops  of  the  city,  the 
news,  travelling  as  the  crow  flies,  was  heard  that 
Bonaparte  was  leading  against  Russia  an  immense 
army,  the  like  of  which  the  world  had  never  seen. 
Only  the  veterans  of  the  battles  of  Austerlitz,  Eylau, 
and  Friedland  could  give  some  information,  some 
details  of  the  character  of  the  invader.  The  direction 
which  Napoleon  took  on  his  march  left  no  doubt  to 

44 


any  one  that  he  would  appear  in  Moscow.  In  order 
to  raise  the  courage  which  was  sinking  they  had  the 
miraculous  image  of  the  Virgin  conductrice  brought 
from  Smolensk,  which  place  was  to  be  visited  by  the 
French.  This  icon  was  exposed  in  the  cathedral  of  St. 
Michael  the  Archangel,  for  veneration  by  the  people. 
The  abbess  of  our  convent,  who  was  from  Smolensk, 
had  a  special  devotion  for  this  image,  she  went  with 
all  the  nuns  to  salute  the  Protatrix.  At  St.  Michael 
the  Archangel  there  was  a  great  crowd  so  that  one 
hardly  could  stand,  especially  were  there  many  women, 
all  crying.  When  we,  the  nuns,  began  to  push,  to  get 
near  the  image,  one  after  the  other  in  a  line  endlessly 
long,  they  looked  upon  us  with  impatience.  One  wo- 
man said:  'These  soutanes  should  make  room  for  us, 
it  is  not  their  husbands,  it  is  our  husbands',  our  sons' 
heads,  which  will  be  exposed  to  the  guns/  " 

Rostopchine  tried  his  best  to  keep  the  population  at 
peace  by  his  original  proclamations,  which  were  pasted 
on  all  the  walls  and  distributed  broadcast.  After 
Borodino  he  urged  the  people  to  take  up  arms,  and  he 
promised  to  be  at  the  head  of  the  men  to  fight  a 
supreme  battle  on  the  Three  Mountains.  Meanwhile 
he  worked  to  save  the  treasures  of  the  church,  the 
archives,  the  collections  of  precious  objects  in  the 
government  palaces.  From  the  arsenal  he  armed  the 
people.  A  tribune  was  erected  from  which  the  metro- 
politan addressed  the  multitude  and  made  them  kneel 
down  to  receive  his  blessing.  Rostopchine  stood 
behind  the  metropolitan  and  came  forward  after  the 
priest  had  finished  his  allocution,  saying  that  he  had 
come  to  announce  a  great  favor  of  his  majesty.  As  a 
proof  that  they  should  not  be  delivered  unarmed  to 
the  enemy,  his  majesty  permitted  them  to  pillage  the 

45 


arsenal,  and  the  people  shouted:  "Thanks,  may  God 
give  to  the  Tzar  many  years  to  live!"  This  was  a 
very  wise  idea  of  Rostopchine  to  have  the  arsenal 
emptied,  a  feat  which  he  could  not  have  accomplished 
in  time  in  any  other  way.  The  pillage  lasted  several 
days  and  went  on  in  good  order. 


The  French  had  entered  Moscow.  The  first  word 
of  Napoleon  to  Mortier,  whom  he  had  named  governor 
of  Moscow,  was  "no  pillage !"  But  this  point  of  honor 
had  to  be  abandoned.  The  ioo  thousand  men  who 
had  entered  were  troops  of  the  elite,  but  they  came 
starving  at  the  end  of  their  adventurous  expedition. 
During  the  first  days  they  walked  the  streets  in  search 
of  a  piece  of  bread  and  a  little  wine.  But  little  had 
been  left  in  the  cellars  of  the  abandoned  houses  and 
in  the  basements  of  the  little  shops,  and  with  the  con- 
flagration there  was  almost  nothing  to  be  found.  The 
Grand  Army  was  starving  as  much  almost  as  on  the 
march.  Dogs  which  had  returned  in  considerable 
numbers  to  lament  on  the  ruins  of  the  houses  of  their 
masters  were  looked  upon  as  precious  venison.  The 
uniforms  were  already  in  rags,  and  the  Russian  cli- 
mate made  itself  felt.  These  poor  soldiers,  poorly 
clad,  dying  from  starvation,  were  begging  for  a  piece 
of  bread,  for  linen  or  sheepskin,  and,  above  all,  for 
shoes.  There  was  no  arrangement  for  the  distribu- 
tion of  rations.;  they  had  to  take  from  wherever  they 
could,  or  perish. 

Napoleon  established  himself  in  the  Kremlin,  the 
generals  in  the  mansions  of  the  noblemen,  the  soldiers 
in  the  taverns  or  private  houses  until  the  fire  dislodged 
them.  Napoleon,  with  a  part  of  his  staff,  was  obliged 
to  seek  refuge  in  the  park  Petrovski,  the  commanders 

46 


took  quarters  wherever  they  could,  the  soldiers  dis- 
persed themselves  among  the  ruins.  Supervision  had 
become  an  impossibility.  The  men,  left  to  themselves, 
naturally  lost  all  discipline  under  these  circumstances 
of  deception  and  under  so  many  provocations  among  a 
hostile  population.  Notwithstanding  all  these  con- 
ditions, they  behaved  well  in  general  and  to  a  great 
extent  showed  self-control  and  humanity  toward  the 
conquered.  The  example  of  pillage  had  been  set  by 
the  Russians  themselves.  Koutouzof  had  commanded 
the  destruction  of  the  mansions.  The  slaves  burned 
the  palaces  of  their  masters. 

All  eye-witnesses  speak  of  the  extreme  destitution 
of  the  soldiers  in  regard  to  clothing  after  one  month's 
stay  in  Moscow.  Already  at  this  time,  even  before  the 
most  terrible  and  final  trials  of  the  retreat  which 
awaited  them,  one  had  to  consider  them  lost.  When 
they  first  took  to  woman's  clothes  or  shoes  or  hats  it 
was  considered  an  amusement,  a  joke,  but  very  soon  a 
mantilla,  a  soutane,  a  veil  became  a  precious  object 
and  nobody  laughed  at  it  when  frozen  members  were 
wrapped  in  these  garments.  The  greatest  calamity 
was  the  want  of  shoes.  Some  soldiers  followed 
women  simply  for  the  purpose  of  taking  their  shoes 
from  them.  A  special  chapter  of  horrors  could  be 
written  on  the  sufferings  of  the  soldiers  on  the  retreat 
over  ice  and  snow  fields  on  account  of  the  miserable 
supply  of  shoes. 

At  first  Napoleon  reviewed  the  regiments  near  the 
ponds  of  the  Kremlin,  and  at  the  first  reviews  the 
troops  marched  proudly,  briskly,  with  firm  step,  but 
soon  they  began  to  fail  with  astonishing  rapidity. 
They  answered  the  roll  of  the  drums  calling  them 
together,  clad  in  dirty  rags  and  with  torn  shoes,  in 

47 


fast  diminishing  numbers.  During  the  last  weeks  of 
their  stay  in  Moscow  many  had  reached  the  last  stage 
of  misery,  after  having  wandered  through  the  streets 
looking  for  a  little  bit  of  nourishment,  dressed  up  as 
for  a  carnival,  but  without  desire  to  dance,  as  one 
remarked  in  grim  humor. 

These  were  the  men  whose  destination  had  brought 
them  many  hundreds  of  miles  from  home  to  the  semi- 
Asiatic  capital  of  the  Ivans,  who  had  been  drinking  in 
the  glory  and  the  joy  of  warriors,  and  who  now  died 
from  hunger  and  cold,  with  their  laurels  still  intact. 
Thanks  to  the  authorized  military  requisitions  and  the 
excesses  of  the  stragglers  of  the  Grand  Army,  a  desert 
had  been  made  of  the  city  before  Napoleon  had  begun 
his  retreat.  No  more  cattle,  no  provisions,  and  the 
inhabitants  gone,  camping  with  wife  and  children  in 
the  deepest  parts  of  the  forests.  Those  who  had 
remained  or  returned  to  the  villages,  organized  against 
marauders  whom  they  received  with  pitchforks  or 
rifles,  and  these  peasants  gave  no  quarter. 

"The  enemy  appeared  nearly  every  day  in  our  village 
(Bogorodsic),,,  says  Maria  Stepanova,  the  wife  of  a 
pope,  "and  as  soon  as  they  were  perceived  all  men  took 
up  arms;  our  cossacks  charged  them  with  their  long 
sabers  or  shot  them  with  their  pistols,  and  behind  the 
cossacks  were  running  the  peasants,  some  with  axes, 
some  with  pitchforks.  After  every  excursion  they 
brought  ten  or  more  prisoners  which  they  drowned  in 
the  Protka  which  runs  near  the  village,  or  they  fusil- 
laded them  on  the  prairie.  The  unfortunates  passed 
our  windows,  my  mother  and  I  did  not  know  where  to 
hide  ourselves  in  order  not  to  hear  their  cries  and  the 
report  of  the  firearms.  My  poor  husband,  Ivan 
Demitovitch,  became  quite  pale,  the  fever  took  him, 

48 


his  teeth  chattered,  he  was  so  compassionate!  One 
day  the  cossacks  brought  some  prisoners  and  locked 
them  up  in  a  cart-house  built  of  stone.  They  are  too 
few,  they  said,  it  is  not  worth  while  to  take  any  trouble 
about  them  now ;  with  the  next  lot  which  we  shall  take 
we  will  shoot  or  drown  them  together.  This  cart- 
house  had  a  window  with  bars.  Peasants  came  to 
look  at  the  prisoners  and  gave  them  bread  and  boiled 
eggs ;  they  did  not  want  to  see  them  starving  while 
awaiting  death.  One  day  when  I  brought  them  eat- 
ables I  saw  at  the  window  a  young  soldier — so  young ! 
His  forehead  was  pressed  against  the  bars,  tears  in 
his  eyes,  and  tears  running  down  his  cheeks.  I  myself 
began  to  cry,  and  even  to-day  my  heart  aches  when  I 
think  of  him.  I  passed  lepecheks  through  the  bars  and 
went  away  without  looking  behind  me.  At  that  time 
came  an  order  from  the  government  that  no  more 
prisoners  should  be  killed  but  sent  to  Kalouga.  How 
we  were  contented!" 

Many  savageries  have  been  committed  by  the  low 
class  of  Russians  who  had  remained  in  Moscow.  This 
is  not  surprising  because  these  were  of  the  most 
depraved  of  the  population,  including  especially  many 
criminals  who  had  been  set  free  to  pillage  and  burn 
the  city.  "A  little  while  before  the  French  entered," 
tells  the  serf  Soimonof,  "the  order  had  been  given  to 
empty  all  the  vodka  (whiskey)  from  the  distilleries 
of  the  crown  into  the  street;  the  liquor  was  running 
in  rivulets,  and  the  rabble  drank  until  they  were  sense- 
lessly drunk,  they  had  even  licked  the  stones  and  the 
wooden  pavement.  Shouting  and  fighting  naturally 
followed." 

The  really  good  people  of  Moscow  had  given  proofs 
of  high  moral  qualities,  worthy  of  admiration,  under 

49 


the  sad  circumstances.  Poor  moujiks  who  had  learned 
of  the  defeat  of  the  Russians  at  Borodino  said  their 
place  was  no  longer  in  a  city  which  was  to  be  dese- 
crated by  the  presence  of  the  enemy,  and,  leaving  their 
huts  to  be  burned  down,  their  miserable  belongings  to 
be  pillaged,  they  went  on  the  highways  at  the  mercy 
of  God,  disposed  to  march  as  long  as  their  eyes  could 
see  before  them.  Others,  running  before  the  flames, 
carried  their  aged  and  sick  on  their  shoulders,  showing 
but  one  sentiment  in  their  complete  ruin,  namely, 
absolute  resignation  to  the  will  of  God. 

Some  readers  may  say  that  the  foregoing  chapter 
does  not  give  the  medical  history  of  the  campaign.  To 
these  I  wish  to  reply  that  it  is  impossible  to  understand 
the  medical  history  without  knowing  the  general  con- 
ditions of  the  Grand  Army,  which  were  the  cause  of 
the  death  of  hundreds  of  thousands  of  soldiers  from 
cold  and  starvation. 


50 


ROSTOPCHINE 

The  conflagration  of  Moscow  in  1812  and  the  fall 
of  the  French  empire  are  two  facts  which  cannot  be 
separated,  but  to  the  name  of  Moscow  is  attached 
another  name,  that  of  Rostopchine.  Count  Fedor 
Wassiljavitch  Rostopchine  is  connected  with  one  of  the 
greatest  events  in  universal  history.  He  caused  a  crisis 
which  decided  the  fate  of  Russia  and  arrested  the 
march  of  ascending  France  by  giving  the  death  blow 
to  Napoleon.  The  latter,  in  admitting  that  Rostop- 
chine was  the  author  of  his  ruin,  meant  him  when  he 
said,  "one  man  less,  and  I  would  have  been  master  of 
the  world." 

Until  the  year  1876  there  existed  a  mystery  around 
this  man  and  his  deed,  a  mystery  which  was  deepened 
by  Rostopchine  himself  when  he  published  in  1823  a 
pamphlet  entitled  "The  Truth  about  the  Conflagration 
of  Moscow/'  which  did  not  give  the  truth  but  was  a 
mystification. 

Alexander  Popof,  a  Russian  Counselor  of  State, 
who  made  a  special  study  of  the  history  of  the  Russian 
campaign  of  Napoleon,  has  explored  the  archives  of 
St.  Petersburg,  and  his  researches,  the  result  of  which 
he  published  in  Russian  in  the  year  1876,  have  brought 
to  light  all  diplomacy  had  concealed  about  the  events 
which  led  to  the  destruction  of  the  Russian  capital. 

51 


What  document,  one  might  ask,  could  be  more 
precious  than  the  memoirs  of  Rostopchine,  the  gov- 
ernor of  Moscow  in  1812?  What  good  fortune  for 
the  historian!  In  1872  Count  Anatole  de  Segur,  grand- 
son of  Rostopchine,  the  author  of  a  biography  of  the 
latter,  wrote,  concerning  these  memoirs,  that  they 
were  seized,  together  with  all  the  papers  of  his  grand- 
father, by  order  of  the  Emperor  Nicholas,  immediately 
after  Rostopchine's  death  in  the  year  1826,  and  were 
locked  up  in  the  archives  of  the  Imperial  Chancellor 
where  they  would  remain,  perhaps  forever.  For- 
tunately, one  of  the  daughters  of  Count  Rostopchine 
had  taken  a  copy  of  some  passages  of  this  precious 
manuscript.  These  passages  were  published  in  1864 
by  a  son  of  Rostopchine,  Count  Alexis  R.,  in  a  book 
entitled  "Materiaux  en  grande  partie  inedits,  pour  la 
biographie  future  du  Comte  Rostopchine,"  which  is  of 
a  rare  bibliographic  value,  for  only  twelve  copies  were 
printed.  These  same  fragments,  three  in  number, 
were  reproduced  by  Count  Anatole  de  Segur  in  the 
biography  of  his  ancestor,  of  which  we  have  spoken. 
Aside  from  these  extracts  nothing  was  known  of 
Rostopchine's  memoirs  until  Popof  had  made  his 
researches.  To  verify  the  memoirs  Popof  quotes 
long  passages  which  he  compares  carefully  with  other 
documents  of  that  epoch.  This  book  on  the  whole  is 
a  continuous  commentary  upon  the  memoirs  of  Ros- 
topchine. 

Rostopchine,  having  been  made  governor  of  Mos- 
cow in  March,  1812,  wrote  to  the  Tzar:  "Your  empire 
has  two  strongholds,  its  immensity  and  its  climate.  It 
has  these  16,000,000  men  who  profess  the  same  creed, 
speak  the  same  language,  and  whose  chin  has  never 
been  touched  by  a  razor.     The  long  beards  are  the 

52 


power  of  Russia,  and  the  blood  of  your  soldiers  will 
be  a  seed  of  heroes.  If  unfortunate  circumstances 
should  force  you  to  retreat  before  the  invader,  the 
Russian  emperor  will  always  be  terrible  in  Moscow, 
formidable  in  Kazan,  invincible  at  Tobolsk/'  This 
letter  was  dated  June  n/23,  1812. 

At  that  time  Rostopchine  was  47  years  of  age,  in 
perfect  health  and  had  developed  a  most  extraordinary 
activity,  something  which  was  not  known  of  his 
predecessors;  the  governors  of  Moscow  before  his 
time  had  been  old  and  decrepit.  He  understood  the 
character  of  the  Russian  people  and  made  himself 
popular  at  once,  and  adored,  because  he  made  himself 
accessible  to  everybody.  He  himself  describes  how  he 
went  to  work :  I  announced  that  every  day  from  1 1  to 
noon  everybody  had  access  to  me,  and  those  who  had 
something  important  to  communicate  would  be  re- 
ceived at  any  hour  during  the  day.  On  the  day  of  my 
taking  charge  I  had  prayers  said  and  candles  lighted 
before  such  miraculous  pictures  as  enjoyed  the  highest 
popular  veneration.  I  studied  to  show  an  extraor- 
dinary politeness  to  all  who  had  dealings  with  me;  I 
courted  the  old  women,  the  babblers  and  the  pious, 
especially  the  latter.  I  resorted  to  all  means  to  make 
myself  agreeable ;  I  had  the  coffins  raised  which  served 
as  signs  to  the  undertakers  and  the  inscriptions  pasted 
on  the  church  doors.  It  took  me  two  days  to  pull  the 
wool  over  their  eyes  {pour  jeter  la  poudre  aux  yeux) 
and  to  persuade  the  greater  part  of  the  inhabitants  that 
I  was  indefatigable  and  that  I  was  everywhere.  I 
succeeded  in  giving  this  idea  by  appearing  on  the  same 
morning  at  different  places,  far  apart  from  each  other, 
leaving  traces  everywhere  of  my  justice  and  severity; 

thus  on  the  first  day  I  had  arrested  an  officer  of  the 

63 


military  hospital  whose  duty  it  was  to  oversee  the 
distribution  of  the  soup,  but  who  had  not  been  present 
when  it  was  time  for  dinner.  I  rendered  justice  to  a 
peasant  who  had  bought  30  pounds  of  salt  but  received 
only  25;  I  gave  the  order  to  imprison  an  employee 
who  had  not  done  his  duty ;  I  went  everywhere,  spoke 
to  everyone  and  learned  many  things  which  afterward 
were  useful  to  me.  After  having  tired  to  death  two 
pairs  of  horses  I  came  home  at  8  o'clock,  changed  my 
civilian  costume  for  the  military  uniform  and  made 
myself  ready  to  commence  my  official  work."  Thus 
Rostopchine  took  the  Moscovitians  by  their  foibles, 
played  the  role  of  Haroun-al-Raschid,  played  comedy; 
he  even  employed  agents  to  carry  the  news  of  the 
town  to  him,  to  canvass  war  news  and  to  excite  en- 
thusiasm in  the  cafes  and  in  all  kinds  of  resorts  of  the 
common  people. 

When  the  emperor  notified  him  one  day  of  his 
coming  visit  to  the  capital  and  transmitted  a  proclama- 
tion in  which  he  announced  to  his  people  the  danger  of 
the  country,  Rostopchine  developed  great  activity.  "I 
went  to  work,"  he  writes  in  his  memoirs,  "was  on  my 
feet  day  and  night,  held  meetings,  saw  many  people, 
had  printed  along  with  the  imperial  proclamation  a 
bulletin  worded  after  my  own  fashion,  and  the  next 
morning  the  people  of  Moscow  on  rising  learned  of  the 
coming  of  the  sovereign.  The  nobility  felt  flattered 
on  account  of  the  confidence  which  the  emperor 
placed  in  them,  and  became  inspired  with  a  noble  zeal, 
the  merchants  were  ready  to  give  money,  only  the  com- 
mon people  apparently  remained  indifferent,  because 
they  did  not  believe  it  possible  that  the  enemy  could 
enter  Moscow."    The  longbeards  repeated  incessantly : 

54 


"Napoleon    cannot    conquer    us,    he    would    have    to 
exterminate  us  all." 

But  the  streets  became  crowded  with  people,  the 
stores  were  closed,  every  one  went  first  to  the  churches 
to  pray  for  the  Tzar,  and  from  there  to  the  gate  of 
Dragomilof  to  salute  the  imperial  procession  upon  its 
arrival.  The  enthusiasm  ran  so  high  that  the  idea  was 
conceived  to  unhitch  the  horses  from  his  coach  and 
carry  him  in  his  carriage.  This,  as  Rostopchine  tells 
us,  was  the  intention  not  only  of  the  common  people  but 
of  many  distinguished  ones  also,  even  of  such  as  wore 
decorations.  The  emperor,  to  avoid  such  exaggerated 
manifestations,  was  obliged  to  arrange  for  his  entry 
during  the  night.  On  the  next  morning  when  the  Tzar, 
according  to  the  old  custom,  showed  himself  to  his 
people  on  the  red  stairs,  the  hurrahs,  the  shouts  of  the 
multitude  drowned  the  sounds  of  the  bells  of  the  forty 
times  forty  churches  which  were  ringing  in  the  city. 
At  every  step,  thousands  of  hands  tried  to  touch  the 
limbs  of  the  sovereign  or  the  flap  of  his  uniform  which 
they  kissed  and  wet  with  their  tears. 

"I  learned  during  the  night,"  writes  Rostopchine, 
"and  it  was  confirmed  in  the  morning,  that  there  were 
some  persons  who  had  united  to  ask  the  emperor  how 
many  troops  we  had,  how  many  the  enemy,  and  what 
were  the  means  of  defence.  This  would  have  been  a 
bold  and,  under  the  present  circumstances,  a  dangerous 
undertaking,  although  I  hardly  feared  that  these  people 
would  venture  to  do  so,  because  they  were  of  those 
who  are  brave  in  private  and  poltroons  in  public. 

At  any  rate,  I  had  said  repeatedly  and  before  every- 
body that  I  hoped  to  offer  the  emperor  the  spectacle  of 
an  assembly  of  a  faithful  and  respectful  nobility,  and 
that  I  should  be  in  despair  if  some  malevolent  person 

55 


should  permit  himself  to  create  disorder  and  forget  the 
presence  of  the  sovereign.  I  promised  that  any  one 
who  would  do  this  might  be  sure  of  being  taken  in 
hand  and  sent  on  a  long  journey  before  he  would  have 
finished  his  harangue. 

To  give  more  weight  to  my  words  I  had  stationed, 
not  far  from  the  palace,  two  telegues  (two-wheeled 
carts)  hitched  up  with  mail  horses  and  two  police 
officers  in  road  uniform  promenading  before  them.  If 
some  curious  person  should  ask  them  for  whom  these 
telegues  were  ready,  they  had  orders  to  answer,  'for 
those  who  will  be  sent  to  Siberia.' 

These  answers  and  the  news  of  the  telegues  soon 
spread  among  the  assembly;  the  bawlers  understood 
and  behaved." 

The  nobility  of  Riazen  had  sent  a  deputation  to  the 
emperor  to  offer  him  60  thousand  men,  armed  and 
equipped.  Balachef,  the  minister  of  police,  received 
this  deputation  scornfully  and  ordered  them  to  leave 
Moscow  at  once. 

There  were  other  offers  which  were  not  surprising 
at  that  period  when  the  mass  of  the  people  consisted 
of  serfs,  but  which  appear  strange  to  us.  "Many  of 
my  acquaintances,"  writes  Kamarovski,  "said  that  they 
would  give  their  musicians,  others  the  actors  of  their 
theaters,  others  their  hunters,  as  it  was  easier  to  make 
soldiers  of  them  than  of  their  peasants." 

The  Russian  noblemen  in  their  love  for  liberty 
sacrificed  their  slaves.  Rostopchine,  together  with 
many  aristocrats,  was  not  entirely  at  ease.  It  was 
something  anomalous  to  call  to  arms  for  the  sake  of 
liberty  a  nation  of  serfs  who  vividly  felt  the  injustice 
of  their  situation ;  besides,  it  had  been  heard  that  some 

56 


moujiks  said,  "Bonaparte  comes  to  bring  us  liberty, 
we  do  not  want  any  more  seigneurs." 

The  Russian  people  in  their  generality,  however,  did 
not  justify  the  fears  of  the  aristocrats.  Their  religious 
fanaticism,  nourished  by  the  priests,  their  passionate 
devotion  to  the  Tzar,  made  them  forget  their  own,  just 
complaints. 

In  Moscow  business  was  at  a  standstill,  the  ordinary 
course  of  things  was  likewise  suspended,  the  popula- 
tion lived  in  the  streets,  forming  a  nervous  crowd, 
subject  to  excitement  and  terror.  The  question  was  to 
keep  them  in  respectfulness. 

Here  Rostopchine's  inborn  talent  as  tribune  and 
publicist,  as  comedian  and  tragedian,  showed  itself  to 
perfection.  He  gave  a  free  rein  to  his  imagination  in 
his  placards,  in  which  he  affected  the  proverbial 
language  of  the  moujik,  made  himself  a  peasant,  more 
than  a  peasant,  in  his  eccentric  style,  to  excite  patriot- 
ism. He  published  pamphlets  against  the  French,  and 
the  coarser  his  language  the  more  effect  it  had  on  the 
masses. 

"At  this  time,"  he  writes,  "I  understood  the  neces- 
sity of  acting  on  the  mind  of  the  people  to  arouse 
them  so  that  they  should  prepare  themselves  for  all 
the  sacrifices,  for  the  sake  of  the  country.  Every  day 
I  disseminated  stories  and  caricatures,  which  repre- 
sented the  French  as  dwarfs  in  rags,  poorly  armed, 
not  heavier  than  a  gerbe  which  one  could  lift  with  a 
pitchfork." 

For  curiosity's  sake,  as  an  example  of  his  style  of 
fiction  by  which  he  fascinated  the  Russian  peasantry 
may  serve  the  translation  of  one  of  the  stories: 
"Korniouchka  Tchikhirine,  an  inhabitant  of  Moscow, 
a  veteran,  having  been  drinking  a  little  more  than  usual, 

57 


hears  that  Bonaparte  is  coming  to  Moscow,  he  becomes 
angry,  scolds  in  coarse  terms  all  Frenchmen,  comes 
out  of  the  liquor  store  and  under  the  eagle  with  the 
two  heads  (the  sign  that  the  place  is  the  crown's)  he 
shouts :  What,  he  will  come  to  us  !  But  you  are  wel- 
come! For  Christmas  or  carnival  you  are  invited. 
The  girls  await  you  with  knots  in  their  handkerchiefs, 
your  head  will  swell.  You  will  do  well  to  dress  as  the 
devil;  we  shall  say  a  prayer,  and  you  will  disappear 
when  the  cock  crows.  Do  better,  remain  at  home,  play 
hide  and  seek  or  blind  man's  buff.  Enough  of  such 
farces !  don't  you  see  that  your  soldiers  are  cripples, 
dandies?  They  have  no  touloupes,  no  mittens,  no 
onoutchi  (wrappings  around  the  legs  in  place  of 
stockings).  How  will  they  adapt  themselves  to 
Russian  habits  ?  The  cabbage  will  make  them  bloated, 
the  gruel  will  make  them  sick,  and  those  who  survive 
the  winter  will  perish  by  the  frost  at  Epiphany.  So  it 
is,  yes.  At  our  house  doors  they  will  shiver,  in  the 
vestibule  they  will  stand  with  chattering  teeth;  in  the 
room  they  will  suffocate,  on  the  stove  they  will  be 
roasted.  But  what  is  the  use  of  speaking?  As  often 
as  the  pitcher  goes  to  the  well,  as  often  their  head  will 
be  broken.  Charles  of  Sweden  was  another  imprudent 
one  like  you,  of  pure  royal  blood,  he  has  gone  to 
Poltava,  he  has  not  returned.  Other  rabbits  than  you 
Frenchmen  were  the  Poles,  the  Tartars,  the  Swedes; 
our  forefathers,  however,  have  dealt  with  them  so  that 
one  can  yet  see  the  tomb-hills  around  Moscow,  as 
numerous  as  mushrooms,  and  under  these  mushrooms 
rest  their  bones.  Ah!  our  holy  mother  Moscow,  it 
is  not  a  city,  it  is  an  empire.  You  have  left  at  home 
only  the  blind  and  the  lame,  the  old  women  and  the 
little  children.    Your  size  is  not  big  enough  to  match 

58 


the  Germans ;  they  will  at  the  first  blow  throw  you  on 
your  back  (this  remark  is  wonderfully  prophetic). 
And  Russia,  do  you  know  what  that  is,  you 
cracked  head?  Six  hundred  thousand  longbeards 
have  been  enlisted,  besides  300  thousand  soldiers  with 
bare  chins,  and  200  thousand  veterans.  All  these  are 
heroes ;  they  believe  in  one  God,  obey  one  Tzar,  make 
the  sign  with  one  cross,  these  are  all  brethren.  And  if 
it  pleases  our  father  and  Tzar,  Alexander  Pavlovitch, 
he  has  to  say  only  one  word:  To  arms,  Christians! 
And  you  will  see  them  rising.  And  even  if  you  should 
beat  the  vanguard?  Take  your  ease!  the  others  will 
give  you  such  a  chase  that  the  memory  of  it  will 
remain  in  all  eternity.  To  come  to  us  !  well  then !  Not 
only  the  tower  of  Ivan  the  Great,  but  also  the  hill  of 
Prosternations  will  remain  invisible  to  you  even  in 
your  dream.  We  shall  rely  on  white  Russia  and  we 
shall  bury  you  in  Poland.  As  one  makes  his  bed  so 
one  sleeps.  On  this  account  reflect,  do  not  proceed, 
do  not  start  the  dance.  Turn  about  face,  go  home,  and 
from  generation  to  generation  remember  what  it  is,  the 
Russian  nation.  "Having  said  all,  Tchikhirine  went  on, 
briskly  singing,  and  the  people  who  saw  him  go  said 
wherever  he  came,  that  is  well  spoken,  it  is  the  truth !" 

Rostopchine  knew  very  well  how  to  make  Tchik- 
hirine speak  when  he  had  been  drinking  more  than 
usual,  he  knew  how  to  make  the  saints  speak,  he  in- 
vented pious  legends  which  were  not  guaranteed  by  the 
Holy  Synod  and  not  found  in  the  Lives  of  the  Saints. 

"After  the  battle  of  Borodino,"  said  he  in  his 
memoirs,  "I  ceased  to  have  recourse  to  little  means  to 
distract  the  people  and  occupy  their  attention.  It 
required  an  extraordinary  effort  of  the  imagination  to 
invent  something  that  would  excite  the  people.     The 

59 


most  ingenious  attempts  do  not  always  succeed,  while 
the  clumsy  ones  take  a  surprising  effect.  Among  those 
of  the  latter  kind  there  was  a  story  after  my  fashion 
of  which  5  thousand  copies  at  one  kopek  a  copy  were 
sold  in  one  day." 

The  population  of  Moscow  was  in  a  peculiar  moral 
condition.  They  were  most  superstitious,  believed  the 
most  improbable  reports  and  saw  signs  from  heaven 
of  the  downfall  of  Napoleon. 

"In  the  city,"  writes  Rostopchine,  "rumors  were 
current  of  visions,  of  voices  which  had  been  heard  in 
the  graveyards.  Passages  from  the  Apocalypsis  were 
quoted  referring  to  Napoleon's  fall." 

But  Rostopchine  himself,  was  he  free  from  cre- 
dulity? A  German  by  the  name  of  Leppich  con- 
structed, secretly,  in  one  of  the  gardens  of  Moscow,  a 
balloon  by  means  of  which  the  French  army  should 
be  covered  with  fire,  and  some  historians  say  that 
Rostopchine  was  one  of  the  most  enthusiastic  admirers 
of  Leppich. 

As  it  may  be  interesting  to  learn  how  he  was  ahead 
of  his  time  in  regard  to  ideas  about  military  balloons 
let  us  give  the  full  statement  of  Popof  on  this  matter. 

In  1812  in  Moscow  it  was  exactly  as  in  1870  in 
Paris;  everybody  built  hopes  on  the  military  airship, 
and  expected  that  by  means  of  a  Greek  fire  from  a 
balloon  the  whole  army  of  the  enemy  would  be  annihi- 
lated. Rostopchine,  in  a  letter  dater  May  7/19,  1812, 
gave  an  account  to  Emperor  Alexander  of  the  precau- 
tions he  had  taken  that  the  wonderful  secret  of  the 
construction  of  the  airship  by  Leppich  should  not  be 
revealed.  He  took  the  precaution  not  to  employ  any 
workmen  from  Moscow.  He  had  already  given  Lep- 
pich 120  thousand  rubles  to  buy  material. 

60 


"Tomorrow,"  he  writes,  "under  the  pretext  of 
dining  with  some  one  living  in  his  vicinity  I  shall  go 
to  Leppich  and  shall  remain  with  him  for  a  long  time ; 
it  will  be  a  feast  to  me  to  become  more  closely  con- 
nected with  a  man  whose  invention  will  render  military 
art  superfluous,  free  mankind  of  its  internal  destroyer, 
make  of  you  the  arbiter  of  kings  and  empires  and  the 
benefactor  of  mankind." 

In  another  letter  to  the  emperor,  dated  June  n/23, 
1812,  he  writes,  "I  have  seen  Leppich;  he  is  a  very 
able  man  and  an  excellent  mechanician.  He  has 
removed  all  my  doubts  in  regard  to  the  contrivances 
which  set  the  wings  of  his  machine  in  motion  (indeed 
an  infernal  construction)  and  which  consequently 
might  do  still  more  harm  to  humanity  than  Napoleon 
himself. 

I  am  in  doubt  about  one  point  which  I  submit  to  the 
judgment  of  your  majesty :  when  the  machine  will  be 
ready  Leppich  proposes  to  embark  on  it  to  fly  as  far  as 
Wilna.  Can  we  trust  him  so  completely  as  not  to 
think  of  treason  on  his  part?"  Three  weeks  later 
he  wrote  to  the  emperor  "I  am  fully  convinced  of 
success.  I  have  taken  quite  a  liking  to  Leppich  who 
is  also  very  much  attached  to  me;  his  machine  I  love 
like  my  own  child.  Leppich  suggests  that  I  should 
make  an  air  voyage  with  him,  but  I  cannot  decide 
about  this  without  the  authorization  of  your  majesty." 

On  September  nth.,  four  days  before  the  evacua- 
tion, the  fate  of  Moscow  was  decided.  On  that  day  at 
10  o'clock  in  the  forenoon  the  following  conversation 
took  place  in  the  house  of  Rostopchine  between  him 
and  Glinka. 

"Your  excellency,"  said  Glinka,  "I  have  sent  my 
family  away." 

61 


"I  have  already  done  the  same,"  answered  the  count, 
and  tears  were  in  his  eyes. 

"Now,"  added  he,  "Serge  Nicholaevitch,  let  us  speak 
like  two  true  friends  of  our  country.  In  your  opinion, 
what  will  happen  if  Moscow  is  abandoned?" 

"Your  excellency  knows  what  I  have  dared  to  say 
on  the  15/27  July  in  the  assembly  of  the  nobility;  but 
tell  me  in  all  frankness,  count,  how  shall  Moscow  be 
delivered,  with  blood,  or  without  blood  (s  kroviou  ili 
bez  krovi)  ?" 

"Bez  krovi  (without  blood),"  laconically  answered 
the  count. 

His  word  to  prince  Eugene  had  been:  Burn  the 
capital  rather  than  deliver  it  to  the  enemy ;  to  Ermilof : 
I  do  not  see  why  you  take  so  much  pains  to  defend 
Moscow  at  any  price ;  if  the  enemy  occupies  the  city  he 
will  find  nothing  that  could  serve  him. 

The  treasures  which  belong  to  the  crown  and  all  that 
is  of  some  value  have  already  been  removed ;  also,  with 
few  exceptions,  the  treasures  of  the  churches,  the 
ornaments  of  gold  and  silver,  the  most  important 
archives  of  the  state,  all  have  been  taken  to  a  place 
of  safety.  Many  of  the  well-to-do  have  already  taken 
away  what  is  precious.  There  remain  in  Moscow  only 
50  thousand  persons  in  the  most  miserable  conditions 
who  have  no  other  asylum. 

This  was  what  he  said  on  September  13,  and  on  the 
same  day  he  wrote  to  the  emperor  that  all  had  been 
sent  away. 

But  this  was  not  true ;  there  still  remained  10  thou- 
sand wounded — of  whom  the  majority  would  perish  in 
case  of  a  conflagration;  there  remained  an  immense 
stock  of  provisions,  flour  and  alcoholic  liquor,  which 

would  fall  into  the  hands  of  the  enemy;  there  was 

62 


still  the  arsenal  in  the  Kremlin  containing  150  cannon, 
60  thousand  rifles,  160  thousand  cartridges  and  a  great 
deal  of  sulphur  and  saltpeter. 

During  the  night  from  the  14th.  to  the  15th.  Ros- 
topchine  developed  a  great  activity,  though  he  could 
save  only  some  miraculous  images  left  in  the  churches, 
and  destroy  some  magazines. 

The  inhabitants  suddenly  aroused  from  their 
security  went  to  the  barriers  of  the  city  and  obstructed 
the  streets  with  vehicles ;  to  remove  what  still  remained 
in  Moscow  the  means  of  transportation  and  the  time 
allowed  for  this  purpose  were  insufficient. 

Those  who  remained  had  nothing  to  lose  and  were 
glad  to  take  revenge  on  the  rich  by  burning  and 
pillaging  their  mansions. 

On  the  14th.  the  criminals  in  the  prisons,  with  one- 
half  of  their  heads  shaved,  were  set  at  liberty  that  they 
might  participate  in  the  burning  and  pillaging. 

Before  leaving  Moscow  Rostopchine  uncovered  his 
head  and  said  to  his  son,  "Salute  Moscow  for  the  last 
time;  in  half  an  hour  it  will  be  on  fire." 

Quite  a  literature  has  developed  on  the  question: 
who  has  burned  Moscow?  The  documents  which 
Popof  has  examined  leave  no  doubt  concerning. Ros- 
topchine's  part  in  regard  to  its  conflagration.  But, 
after  all,  it  was  caused  by  those  who  had  a  right  to  do 
it,  those  who,  beginning  at  Smolensk,  burned  their 
villages,  their  hamlets,  even  their  ripening  or  ripened 
harvest,  after  the  Russian  army  had  passed  and  the 
enemy  came  in  sight.  Who?  The  Russian  people  of 
all  classes,  of  all  conditions  without  exception,  men 
even  invested  with  public  power,  and  among  them 
Rostopchine. 


66 


RETREAT  FROM  MOSCOW 

During  the  night  from  October  18th.  to  October 
19th.,  all  soldiers  were  busy  loading  vehicles  with 
provisions  and  baggage.  On  October  19th.,  the  first 
day  of  the  retreat,  forever  memorable  on  account  of 
the  misfortune  and  heroism  which  characterized  it,  the 
grand  army  presented  a  strange  spectacle.  The  sol- 
diers were  in  a  fair  condition,  the  horses  lean  and 
exhausted.  But,  above  all,  the  masses  following  the 
army  were  extraordinary.  After  an  immense  train  of 
artillery  of  600  cannon,  with  all  its  supplies,  came  a 
train  of  baggage  the  like  of  which  had  never  been  seen 
since  the  centuries  of  migration  when  whole  barbarous 
nations  went  in  search  of  new  territories  for  settle- 
ment. 

The  fear  that  they  might  run  short  of  rations  had 
caused  every  regiment,  every  battalion,  to  carry  on 
country  wagons  all  they  had  been  able  to  procure  of 
bread  and  flour ;  but  these  wagons  carrying  provisions 
were  not  the  heaviest  loaded,  not  loaded  as  much  as 
those  which  were  packed  with  booty  from  the  con- 
flagration of  Moscow;  in  addition,  many  soldiers  over- 
taxing their  strength  and  endurance  had  filled  their 
knapsacks  with  provisions  and  booty.  Most  officers 
had  secured  light  Russian  country  wagons  to  carry 
provisions  and  warm  clothing.     The  French,  Italian, 

64 


and  German  families,  who  lived  in  Moscow  and  now 
feared  the  returning  Russians  when  again  entering 
their  capital,  had  asked  to  accompany  the  retreating 
army  and  formed  a  kind  of  a  colony  among  the  sol- 
diers; with  these  families  were  also  theatrical  people 
and  unfortunate  women  who  had  lived  in  Moscow  on 
prostitution. 

The  almost  endless  number,  the  peculiarity  of 
vehicles  of  all  description,  drawn  by  miserable  horses, 
loaded  with  sacks  of  flour,  clothing  and  furniture, 
with  sick  women  and  children,  constituted  a  great 
danger,  for  the  question  was,  how  could  the  army 
maneuvre  with  such  an  impediment  and,  above  all, 
defend  itself  against  the  Cossacks? 

Napoleon,  surprised  and  almost  alarmed,  thought  at 
first  to  establish  order,  but,  after  some  reflection,  came 
to  the  conclusion  that  the  accidents  of  the  road  would 
soon  reduce  the  quantity  of  this  baggage,  that  it  would 
be  useless  to  be  severe  with  the  poor  creatures,  that, 
after  all,  the  wagons  would  serve  to  transport  the 
wounded.  He  consented  therefore  to  let  all  go  along 
the  best  they  could,  he  only  gave  orders  that  the 
column  of  these  people  with  their  baggage  should  keep 
at  a  distance  from  the  column  of  the  soldiers  in  order 
that  the  army  would  be  able  to  maneuvre. 

On  October  24th.  was  the  battle  of  Jaroslawetz  in 
which  the  Russians,  numbering  24  thousand,  fought 
furiously  against  10  thousand  or  11  thousand  French, 
to  cut  off  the  latter  from  Kalouga,  and  the  French,  on 
their  part,  fought  with  despair. 

The  center  of  the  battle  was  the  burning  city  taken 
and  retaken  seven  times;  many  of  the  wounded 
perished  in  the  flames,  their  cadavers  incinerated,  and 
10  thousand  dead  covered  the  battlefield. 

65 


Many  of  the  wounded,  who  could  not  be  transported 
had  to  be  left  to  their  fate  at  the  theater  of  their 
glorious  devotion,  to  the  great  sorrow  of  everybody, 
and  many  who  had  been  taken  along  on  the  march 
during  the  first  days  after  the  battle  had  also  to  be 
abandoned  for  want  of  means  of  transportation.  The 
road  was  already  covered  with  wagons  for  which  there 
were  no  horses. 

The  cries  of  the  wounded  left  on  the  road  were 
heartrending,  in  vain  did  they  implore  their  comrades 
not  to  let  them  die  on  the  way,  deprived  of  all  aid,  at 
the  mercy  of  the  Cossacks. 

The  artillery  was  rapidly  declining  on  account  of 
the  exhausted  condition  of  the  horses.  Notwithstand- 
ing all  cursing  and  whipping,  the  jaded  animals  were 
not  able  to  drag  the  heavy  pieces.  Cavalry  horses 
were  taken  to  overcome  the  difficulty  and  this  caused 
a  reduction  of  the  strength  of  the  cavalry  regiments 
without  being  of  much  service  to  the  artillery.  The 
riders  parted  with  their  horses,  they  had  tears  in  their 
eyes  looking  for  the  last  time  on  their  animals,  but 
they  did  not  utter  a  word. 

Cavalrymen,  with  admirable  perseverance  and 
superhuman  efforts,  dragged  the  cannon  as  far  as 
Krasnoe.  All  men  had  dismounted  and  aided  the 
exhausted  animals  only  two  of  which  were  attached  to 
each  piece. 

Notwithstanding  all  the  misery  of  a  three-days- 
march  to  Moshaisk  all  were  hopeful.  The  distance 
from  Moshaisk  to  Smolensk  was  covered  in  seven  or 
eight  days;  the  weather,  although  cold  during  the 
night,  was  good  during  the  day,  and  the  soldiers 
gladly  anticipated  to  find,  after  some  more  hardship, 

06 


rest,  abundance,  and  warm  winter  quarters  in  Smo- 
lensk. 

On  the  march  the  army  camped  on  the  battlefield  of 


Borodino  when  they  saw  50  thousand  cadavers  lying 
still  unburied,  broken  wagons,  demolished  cannons, 
helmets,  cuirasses,  guns  spread  all  over — a  horrid 
sight!     Wherever   the   victimes   had   fallen   in   large 

67 


numbers  one  could  see  clouds  of  birds  of  prey  rending 
the  air  with  their  sinister  cries.  The  reflections  which 
this  sight  excited  were  profoundly  painful.  How 
many  victims,  and  what  result!  The  army  had 
marched  from  Wilna  to  Witebsk,  from  Witebsk  to 
Smolensk,  hoping  for  a  decisive  battle,  seeking  this 
battle  at  Wiasma,  then  at  Ghjat,  and  had  found  it  at 
last  at  Borodino,  a  bloody,  terrible  battle.  The  army 
had  marched  to  Moscow  in  order  to  earn  the  fruit  of 
all  that  sacrifice,  and  at  this  place  nothing  had  been 
found  but  an  immense  conflagration.  The  army 
returned  without  magazines,  reduced  to  a  compara- 
tively small  number,  with  the  prospect  of  a  severe 
winter  in  Poland,  and  with  a  far  away  prospect  of 
peace, — for  peace  could  not  be  the  price  of  a  forced 
retreat, — and  for  such  a  result  the  field  of  Borodino 
was  covered  with  50  thousand  dead.  Here,  as  we  have 
learned,  were  found  the  Westphalians,  not  more  than 
3  thousand,  the  remainder  of  10  thousand  at  Smolensk, 
of  23  thousand  who  crossed  the  Niemen. 

Napoleon  gave  orders  to  take  the  wounded  at  Boro- 
dino into  the  baggage  wagons  and  forced  every  officer, 
every  refugee  from  Moscow  who  had  a  vehicle,  to  take 
the  wounded  as  the  most  precious  load. 

The  rear  guard  under  Davout  left  the  fearful  place 
on  October  31st.,  and  camped  over  night  half-way  to 
the  little  town  of  Ghjat.  The  night  was  bitter  cold, 
and  the  soldiers  began  to  suffer  very  much  from  the 
low  temperature. 

From  this  time  on,  every  day  made  the  retreat  more 
difficult,  for  the  cold  became  more  and  more  severe 
from  day  to  day,  and  the  enemy  more  pressing. 

The  Russian  general,  Kutusof,  might  now  have 
marched  ahead  of  Napoleon's  army,  which  was  re- 


tarded  by  so  many  impediments,  and  annihilated  it 
by  a  decisive  battle,  but  he  did  not  take  this  risk, 
preferring  a  certain  and  safe  tactic,  by  constantly 
harassing  the  French,  surprising  one  or  the  other  of  the 
rear  columns  by  a  sudden  attack.  He  had  a  strong 
force  of  cavalry  and  artillery,  and,  above  all,  good 
horses,  while  the  rearguard  of  the  French,  for  want 
of  horses,  consisted  of  infantry;  there  was,  for 
instance,  nothing  left  of  General  Grouchy's  cavalry. 
The  infantry  of  Marshal  Davout,  who  commanded  the 
rearguard,  had  to  do  the  service  of  all  arms,  often 
being  compelled  to  face  the  artillery  of  the  enemy 
which  had  good  horses,  while  their  own  was  dragged 
along  by  exhausted  animals  scarcely  able  to  move. 

Davout's  men  fought  the  Russians  with  the  bayonet 
and  took  cannons  from  them,  but  being  without  horses 
they  were  compelled  to  leave  them  on  the  road,  con- 
tenting themselves  to  remain  undisturbed  for  some 
hours. 

Gradually  the  French  had  to  part  with  their  own 
cannons  and  ammunition;  sinister  explosions  told  the 
soldiers  of  increasing  distress. 

As  it  is  in  all  great  calamities  of  great  masses: 
increasing  misery  also  increases  egotism  and  heroism. 
Miserable  drivers  of  wagons  to  whom  the  wounded 
had  been  entrusted  took  advantage  of  the  night  and 
threw  the  helpless  wounded  on  the  road  where  the 
rearguard  found  them  dead  or  dying.  The  guilty 
drivers,  when  discovered,  were  punished;  but  it  was 
difficult  to  detect  them,  with  the  general  confusion  of 
the  retreat  making  its  first  appearance. 

Wounded  soldiers  who  had  been  abandoned  could 
be  seen  at  every  step.  The  tail  of  the  army,  composed 
of  stragglers,  of  tired,  discouraged  or  sick  soldiers,  all 

69 


marching  without  arms  and  without  discipline,  con- 
tinually increased  in  number,  to  the  mortification  of 
the  rearguard  which  had  to  deal  with  these  men  who 
would  not  subordinate  their  own  selves  to  the  welfare 
of  the  whole. 

It  is  tempting  to  describe  the  terrible  engagements, 
the  almost  superhuman,  admirable  bravery  of 
Napoleon's  soldiers,  who  often,  after  having  had  the 
hardest  task  imaginable  and  constantly  in  danger  of 
being  annihilated,  were  forced  to  pass  the  bitter  cold 
nights  without  eating,  without  rest,  and  although  all 
details  bear  on  the  medical  history  I  am  obliged  to 
confine  myself  to  a  few  sketches  between  the  descrip- 
tion of  purely  medical  matters. 


I  happened  to  find  in  the  surgeon-general's  library 
a  rare  book:  Moricheau  Beaupre,  A  Treatise  on  the 
Effects  and  Properties  of  Cold,  with  a  Sketch,  His- 
torical and  Medical,  of  the  Russian  Campaign. 
Translated  by  John  Clendining,  wTith  appendix,  xviii, 
375  PP-  8vo.,  Edinburgh,  Maclachnan  and  Stewart, 
1826. 

This  most  valuable  book  is  not  mentioned  in  any 
of  the  numerous  publications  on  the  medical  history  of 
the  Russian  campaign  of  Napoleon  which  I  examined, 
and  I  shall  now  give  an  extract  of  what  Beaupre  writes 
on  the  Effects  of  Cold  in  General : 

Distant  expeditions,  immaterial  whether  in  cold  or 
warm  countries,  with  extremes  of  temperature,  are 
always  disadvantageous  and  must  cause  great  sacrifice 
of  life,  not  only  on  account  of  the  untried  influence 
of  extreme  temperatures  on  individuals  born  in  other 
climates,  but  also  on  account  of  the  fatigues  insepar- 
able from  traversing  long  distances,  of  an  irregular 

70 


life,  of  a  multiplicity  of  events  and  circumstances 
impossible  to  foresee,  or  which  at  least  had  not  been 
foreseen,  and  which  operate  very  unfavorably,  morally 
and  physically,  on  military  persons.  The  expedition 
of  the  French  army  into  Russia  offers  a  sad  proof  of 
this  truth,  but  history  has  recorded  similar  experiences. 
The  army  of  Alexander  the  Great  suffered  frightfully 
from  cold  on  two  occasions:  first,  when  that  ambi- 
tious conqueror  involved  himself  amid  snows,  in 
savage  and  barbarous  regions  of  northern  Asia  before 
reaching  the  Caucasus;  the  second  time,  when,  after 
having  crossed  these  mountains,  he  passed  the  Tanais 
to  subdue  the  Scythians,  and  the  soldiers  were 
oppressed  with  thirst,  hunger,  fatigue,  and  despair,  so 
that  a  great  number  died  on  the  road,  or  lost  their 
feet  from  congelation;  the  cold  seizing  them,  it  be- 
numbed their  hands,  and  they  fell  at  full  length  on  the 
snow  to  rise  no  more.  The  best  means  they  knew, 
says  Q.  Curtius,  to  escape  that  mortal  numbness,  was 
not  to  stop,  but  to  force  themselves  to  keep  marching, 
or  else  to  light  great  fires  at  intervals.  Charles  XII, 
a  great  warrior  alike  rash  and  unreflecting,  in  1707 
penetrated  into  Russia  and  persisted  in  his  determina- 
tion of  marching  to  Moscow  despite  the  wise  advice 
given  him  to  retire  into  Poland.  The  winter  was  so 
severe  and  the  cold  so  intense  that  the  Swedes  and 
Russians  could  scarcely  hold  their  arms.  He  saw  part 
of  his  army  perish  before  his  eyes,  of  cold,  hunger, 
and  misery,  amid  the  desert  and  icy  steppes  of  the 
Ukraine.  If  he  had  reached  Moscow,  it  is  probable 
that  the  Russians  would  have  set  him  at  bay,  and  that 
his  army,  forced  to  retire,  would  have  experienced  the 
same  fate  as  the  French. 

In  the  retreat  of  Prague  in  1742  the  French  army, 
71 


commanded  by  Marshal  Belle-Isle,  little  accustomed 
to  a  winter  campaign,  was  forced  to  traverse  imprac- 
ticable defiles  across  mountains  and  ravines  covered 
with  snow.  In  ten  days  4  thousand  men  perished  of 
cold  and  misery ;  food  and  clothing  were  deficient,  the 
soldiers  died  in  anguish  and  despair,  and  a  great  many 
of  the  officers  and  soldiers  had  their  noses,  feet  and 
hands  frozen.  The  Russians  regard  the  winter  of 
1812  as  one  of  the  most  rigorous  of  which  they  have 
any  record;  it  was  intensely  felt  through  all  Russia, 
even  in  the  most  southerly  parts.  As  a  proof  of  this 
fact  the  Tartars  of  the  Crimea  mentioned  to  Beaupre 
the  behavior  of  the  great  and  little  bustard,  which 
annually  at  that  season  of  the  year  quit  the  plain  for 
protection  against  the  cold  and  migrate  to  the  southern 
part  of  that  peninsula  toward  the  coasts.  But  during 
that  winter  they  were  benumbed  by  the  cold  and 
dropped  on  the  snow,  so  that  a  great  many  of  them 
were  caught.  In  the  low  hills,  in  the  spring  of  1813, 
the  ground  in  some  places  was  covered  with  the 
remains  of  those  birds  entire. 

Of  the  effects  of  cold  in  general  Beaupre  says  that 
soldiers  who  are  rarely  provided  with  certain  articles 
of  dress  suitable  for  winter,  whose  caps  do  not  entirely 
protect  the  lateral  and  superior  parts  of  the  head,  and 
who  often  suffer  from  cold  in  bivouacs,  are  very 
liable  to  have  ears  and  fingers  seized  on  by  asphyxia 
and  mortification.  Troopers  who  remain  several  days 
without  taking  off  their  boots,  and  whose  usual  posture 
on  horseback  contributes  to  benumb  the  extremities, 
often  have  their  toes  and  feet  frozen  without  suspect- 
ing it. 

Cold  produces  fatal  effects  above  as  well  as  below 
the  freezing  point.     A  continued  moderate  cold  has 

72 


the  same  consequences  as  a  severe  cold  of  short  dura- 
tion. When  very  intense,  as  in  the  north,  it  sometimes 
acts  on  the  organism  so  briskly  as  to  depress  and 
destroy  its  powers  with  astonishing  rapidity.  As  the 
action  of  cold  is  most  frequently  slow  and  death  does 
not  take  place  until  after  several  hours'  exposure,  the 
contraction  that  diminishes  the  caliber  of  the  vessels 
more  and  more  deeply,  repels  the  blood  toward  the 
cavities  of  the  head,  chest,  and  abdomen;  it  causes,  in 
the  circulation  of  the  lungs,  and  in  that  of  the  venous 
system  of  the  head,  an  embarrassment  that  disturbs 
the  function  of  the  brain  and  concurs  to  produce 
somnolence.  The  probability  of  this  explanation  is 
strengthened  by  the  flowing  of  the  blood  from  the  nose 
to  the  ears,  spontaneous  haemoptysis,  also  by  preter- 
natural redness  of  the  viscera,  engorgements  of  the 
cerebral  vessel,  and  bloody  effusion,  all  of  which  con- 
ditions have  been  found  after  death. 

It  is  certain  that  in  spite  of  every  possible  means  of 
congestion  or  effusion  within  the  cranium,  constant 
and  forced  motion  is  necessary  for  the  foot  soldier  to 
save  him  from  surprise.  The  horseman  must  dismount 
as  quickly  as  possible  and  constrain  himself  to  walk. 
Commanders  of  divisions  should  not  order  halts  in 
winter,  and  they  should  take  care  that  the  men  do  not 
lag  behind  on  the  march.  Necessary  above  all  are 
gaiety,  courage,  and  perseverance  of  the  mind;  these 
qualities  are  the  surest  means  of  escaping  danger. 
He  who  has  the  misfortune  of  being  alone,  inevitably 
perishes. 

In  Siberia,  the  Russian  soldiers,  to  protect  themselves 
from  the  action  of  the  cold,  cover  their  noses  and  ears 
with  greased  paper.  Fatty  matters  seem  to  have  the 
power  of  protecting  from  cold,  or  at  least  of  greatly 

73 


diminishing  its  action.  The  Laplander  and  the 
Samoiede  anoint  their  skin  with  rancid  fish  oil,  and 
thus  expose  themselves  in  the  mountains  to  a  tempera- 
ture of  —  36  deg.  Reaumur,  or  50  deg.  below  zero 
Fahrenheit.  Xenophon,  during  the  retreat  of  the  10 
thousand,  ordered  all  his  soldiers  to  grease  those  parts 
that  were  exposed  to  the  air.  If  this  remedy  could 
have  been  employed,  says  Beaupre,  on  the  retreat  from 
Moscow,  it  is  probable  that  it  would  have  prevented 
more  than  one  accident. 

Most  of  those  who  escaped  the  danger  of  the  cold 
ultimately  fell  sick.  In  1813  a  number  of  soldiers, 
more  or  less  seriously  injured  by  cold,  filled  the  hos- 
pitals of  Poland,  Prussia,  and  other  parts  of  Germany. 
From  the  shores  of  the  Niemen  to  the  banks  of  the 
Rhine  it  was  easy  to  recognize  those  persons  who  con- 
stituted the  remainder  of  an  army  immolated  by  cold 
and  misery  the  most  appalling.  Many,  not  yet  arrived 
at  the  limit  of  their  sufferings,  distributed  themselves 
in  the  hospitals  on  this  side  of  the  Rhine,  and  even  as 
far  as  the  south  of  France,  where  they  came  to  under- 
go various  extirpations,  incisions,  and  amputations, 
necessitated  by  the  physical  disorder  so  often  insepa- 
rable from  profound  gangraene. 

Mutilation  of  hands  and  feet,  loss  of  the  nose,  of  an 
ear,  weakness  of  sight,  deafness,  complete  or  incom- 
plete, neuralgy,  rheumatism,  palsies,  chronic  diarrhoea, 
pectoral  affections,  recall  still  more  strongly  the 
horrors  of  this  campaign  to  those  who  bear  such  pain- 
ful mementos. 


But  now  let  us  return  to  the  dissertation  of  von 
Scherer  which  gives  the  most  graphic  and  complete 
description  of  the  effect  of  cold. 

74 


After  the  battle  of  Borodino,  on  September  5th.  and 
7th.,  the  army  marched  to  Moscow  and  arrived  there 
on  September  nth.,  exhausted  to  the  highest  degree 
from  hunger  and  misery.  The  number  of  Wuert- 
tembergians  suffering  from  dysentery  was  very  large. 
A  hospital  was  organized  for  them  in  a  sugar  refinery 
outside  of  Moscow.  Many  died  here,  but  the  greater 
number  was  left  to  its  fate  during  the  retreat  of  the 
army. 

The  quarters  at  Moscow  until  October  19th.  im- 
proved the  condition  of  the  army  very  little.  Devoured 
by  hunger,  in  want  of  all  necessities,  the  army  had 
arrived.  The  terrible  fire  of  the  immense  city  had 
greatly  reduced  the  hope  for  comfortable  winter 
quarters.  Although  the  eatables  which  had  been  saved 
from  the  fire  were  distributed  among  the  soldiers  who, 
during  the  weeks  of  their  sojourn,  had  wine, tea,  coffee, 
meat,  and  bread,  all  wholesome  and  plentiful,  yet 
dysentery  continued  and  in  most  patients  had  assumed 
a  typhoid*  character.  Besides,  real  typhus  had  now 
made  its  appearance  in  the  army  and,  spreading  rapidly 
through  infection,  caused  great  loss  of  life  and  brought 
the  misery  to  a  climax.  The  great  number  of  the 
sick,  crowded  together  in  unfit  quarters;  the  stench 
of  the  innumerable  unburied  and  putrefying  cadavers 
of  men  and  animals  in  the  streets  of  Moscow,  among 
them  the  corpses  of  several  thousand  Russians  who 
had  been  taken  prisoners  and  then  massacred,  not  to 

*The  word  typhoid  means  "resembling  typhus,"  and  in 
Europe  this  term  is  correctly  employed  to  designate  a  som- 
nolent or  other  general  condition  in  all  kinds  of  feverish 
diseases  which  remind  one  of  typhus  symptoms.  What 
English  and  American  physicians  call  typhus  or  typhus 
fever  is  known  to  European  physicians  under  the  name  of 
exanthematic  or  petechial  typhus,  indicating  a  symptom  by 
which  it  is  distinguished  from  abdominal  typhus. 

75 


speak  of  the  putrefying  cadavers  on  the  battlefields 
and  roads  over  which  the  army  had  marched,  all  this 
had  finally  developed  into  a  pest-like  typhus. 

After  the  retreat  from  Moscow  had  been  decided 
upon,  many  thousands  of  the  sick  were  sent  ahead 
on  wagons  under  strong  guards.  These  wagons  took 
the  shortest  road  to  Borodino,  while  the  army  took 
the  road  to  Kaluga.  Several  thousand  typhus  patients 
were  left  in  Moscow,  all  of  whom  died,  with  the  excep- 
tion of  a  few,  according  to  later  information.  Many 
of  those  who,  although  suffering  from  typhus,  had 
retained  strength  enough  to  have  themselves  trans- 
ported on  the  wagons,  recovered  on  the  way,  later  to 
become  victims  of  the  cold. 

Weakened  in  body  and  mind,  the  army  left  Moscow 
on  October  18th.  and  19th.  The  weather  was  clear, 
the  nights  were  cold,  when  they  proceeded  in  forced 
marches  on  the  road  to  Kaluga.  Near  Maloijorolawez 
the  enemy  attempted  to  bar  the  way,  and  an  obstinate 
engagement  developed  during  which  the  French 
cavalry  suffered  severely. 

It  is  true,  the  Russian  battle  line  was  broken,  and 
the  way  was  open,  but  the  French  army  had  received 
its  death-blow. 

The  order  which  thus  far  had  kept  the  army  was 
shaken,  and  disorder  of  all  kinds  commenced. 

The  retreat  now  continued  in  the  direction  of  Boro- 
dino, Ghjat,  and  Wiasma,  the  same  road  which  had 
been  followed  on  the  march  toward  Moscow,  a  road 
which  was  laid  waste  and  entirely  deserted. 

The  soldiers,  in  view  of  the  helplessness  which  mani- 
fested itself,  gave  up  all  hope  and  with  dismay  looked 
into  a  terrible  future. 

Everywhere  surrounded  by  the  enemy  who  attacked 
76 


vehemently,  the  soldiers  were  forced  to  remain  in  their 
ranks  on  the  highway;  whoever  straggled  was  lost — 
either  killed  or  made  prisoner  of  war. 

On  the  immense  tract  of  land  extending  from  Mos- 
cow to  Wilna  during  a  march  of  several  days,  not  a 
single  inhabitant,  not  a  head  of  cattle,  was  to  be  seen, 
only  cities  and  villages  burnt  and  in  ruins.  The  misery 
increased  from  day  to  day.  What  little  of  provisions 
had  been  taken  along  from  Moscow  was  lost,  together 
with  the  wagons,  on  the  flight  after  the  engagement  of 
Maloijorolawez,  and  this  happened,  as  we  have  seen, 
before  the  army  reached  Borodino;  the  rations  which 
the  individual  soldier  had  with  him  were  consumed 
during  the  first  few  days,  and  thus  a  complete  want 
made  itself  felt.  The  horses,  receiving  no  food,  fell  in 
great  numbers  from  exhaustion  and  starvation;  can- 
non and  innumerable  wagons,  for  want  of  means  to 
transport  them,  had  to  be  destroyed  and  left  behind. 

From  the  last  days  of  October  until  mid-December, 
at  which  time  the  army  arrived  at  Wilna,  horse  meat 
was  the  only  food  of  the  soldiers;  many  could  not 
obtain  even  this,  and  they  died  from  starvation  before 
the  intense  cold  weather  set  in.  The  meat  which  the 
soldiers  ate  was  either  that  of  exhausted  and  sick 
horses  which  had  not  been  able  to  walk  any  further,  or 
of  such  as  had  been  lying  dead  on  the  road  for  some 
time.  With  the  greatest  greed  and  a  beastly  rage  the 
men  threw  themselves  on  the  dead  animals;  they 
fought  without  distinction  of  rank  and  with  a  disregard 
of  all  military  discipline — officers  and  privates  alike — 
for  the  possession  of  the  best  liked  parts  of  the  dead 
animal — the  brain,  the  heart,  and  the  liver.  The  weak- 
est had  to  be  contented  with  any  part.  Many  devoured 
the   meat   raw,   others   pierced   it   with  the   bayonet, 

77 


roasted  it  at  the  camp  fire  and  ate  it  without  anything 
else,  often  with  great  relish. 

Such  was  the  sad  condition  when  the  setting  in  of 
extreme  cold  weather  brought  the  misery — the  horrors 
— to  a  climax. 

During  the  last  days  of  October,  when  the  army  had 
scarcely  reached  Borodino,  cold  winds  blew  from  the 
North. 

The  first  snowfall  was  on  October  26th.,  and  the 
snow  made  the  march  of  the  enfeebled  army  difficult 
in  the  extreme. 

From  that  date  on  the  cold  increased  daily,  and  the 
camping  over  night  was  terrible;  the  extremities  of 
those  who  had  no  chance  to  protect  themselves  with 
clothes  nor  to  come  near  the  campfire  became  frozen. 

During  the  first  days  of  November  the  thermometer 
had  fallen  to  —  12  Reaumur  (+4  Fahrenheit). 

Derangements  of  mind  were  the  first  pernicious 
effects  of  the  low  temperature  that  were  noticed. 

The  first  effect  on  the  brain  in  the  strong  and  healthy 
ones,  as  well  as  in  the  others,  was  loss  of  memory. 

von  Scherer  noticed  that,  with  the  beginning  of  the 
cold  weather,  many  could  not  remember  the  names  of 
the  best  known,  the  everyday  things,  not  even  the 
eagerly  longed  for  eatables  could  they  name,  or  name 
correctly;  many  forgot  their  own  names  and  were  no 
longer  able  to  recognize  their  nearest  comrades  and 
friends.  Others  had  become  completely  feebleminded, 
their  whole  expression  was  that  of  stupidity.  And 
those  of  a  stronger  constitution,  who  had  resisted  the 
effects  of  cold  on  body  and  mind,  became  deeply 
horrified  on  observing,  in  addition  to  their  own  suffer- 
ings, how  the  mental  faculties  of  the  best  men,  hitherto 
of  strong  will  power,  had  become  impaired,  and  how 

78 


these  unfortunates  sooner  or  later,  yet  gradually,  with 
lucid  intervals  of  a  few  moments'  duration,  invariably 
became  completely  insane. 

The  intense  cold  enfeebled,  first  of  all,  the  brain  of 
those  whose  health  had  already  suffered,  especially  of 
those  who  had  had  dysentery,  but  soon,  while  the  cold 
increased  daily,  its  pernicious  effect  was  noticed  in  all. 

The  internal  vessels,  especially  those  of  the  brain 
and  the  lungs,  in  many  became  congested  to  such  a 
degree  that  all  vital  activity  was  paralyzed. 

On  necropsy,  these  vessels  of  the  brain  and  lungs 
and  the  right  heart  were  found  to  be  bloated  and 
stretched ;  in  one  case  the  different  vessels  of  the  brain 
were  torn  and  quite  an  amount  of  blood  was  effused 
between  the  meninges  and  the  brain,  in  most  cases 
more  or  less  serum  had  collected  in  the  cavities. 

The  corpses  were  white  as  snow,  while  the  central 
organs  in  every  case  were  hyperaemic. 

At  the  beginning,  while  the  cold  was  still  tolerable, 
the  effect  of  the  humors  from  the  surface  of  the  body 
to  the  central  organs  had  caused  only  a  slight  derange- 
ment of  the  functions  of  these  organs,  like  dyspnoea, 
mental  weakness,  in  some  more  or  less  indifference,  a 
disregard  of  their  surroundings;  in  short,  all  those 
symptoms  of  what  was  called  at  that  time  "Russian 
simpleton." 

Now  all  actions  of  the  afflicted  manifested  mental 
paralysis  and  the  highest  degree  of  apathy. 

This  condition  resembles  that  of  extreme  old  age, 
when  mind  and  body  return  to  the  state  of  childhood. 

The  bodies  of  those  suffering  from  intense  cold 
were  shriveled  and  wrinkled.  Men  formerly  models 
of  bodily  and  mental  strength,  hardened  in  war,  now 
staggered  along,  leaning  on  a  stick,  wailing  and  lament- 

79 


ing  childlike,  begging  for  a  piece  of  bread,  and  if 
something  to  eat  was  given  to  them  they  burst  out  in 
really  childish  joy,  not  seldom  shedding  tears. 

The  faces  of  these  unfortunates  were  deadly  pale, 
the  features  strangely  distorted.  Lads  resembled  men 
of  80  years  of  age  and  presented  a  cretin-like  appear- 
ance ;  the  lips  were  bluish,  the  eyes  dull,  without  luster, 
and  constantly  lachrymal;  the  veins  very  small, 
scarcely  visible ;  the  extremities  cold ;  the  pulse  could 
not  be  felt,  neither  at  the  radius  nor  at  the  temple 
bone,  somnolency  was  general. 

Often  it  happened  that  the  moment  they  sank  to 
the  ground  the  lower  extremities  became  paralyzed; 
soon  after  that,  a  few  drops  of  blood  from  the  nose 
indicated  the  moribund  condition. 

Severed  were  all  bonds  of  brotherly  love,  extin- 
guished all  human  feeling  toward  those  who,  from 
exhaustion,  had  fallen  on  the  road. 

Many  men,  among  them  his  former  best  comrades 
and  even  relatives,  would  fall  upon  such  an  unfor- 
tunate one  to  divest  him  of  his  clothing  and  other 
belongings,  to  leave  him  naked  on  the  snow,  inevitably 
to  die. 

The  impulse  of  self-preservation  overmastered 
everything  in  them. 

During  the  second  half  of  November,  and  more  so 
during  the  first  days  of  December,  especially  on  the 
8th.,  9th.,  and  10th.,  when  the  army  arrived  at  Wilna, 
the  cold  had  reached  the  lowest  degree;  during  the 
night  from  December  9th.  to  December  10th.  the 
thermometer  showed  —  32  R  (—  40  F.).  The  cold 
air  caused  severe  pain  in  the  eyes,  resembling  that  of 
strong  pressure.  The  eyes,  weakened  by  the  constant 
sight  of  snow,  suffered  greatly  under  these  circum- 

80 


stances.  Many  were  blinded  to  such  an  extent  that 
they  could  not  see  one  step  forward,  could  recognize 
nothing  and  had  to  find  their  way,  like  the  blind  in 
general,  with  the  aid  of  a  stick.  Many  of  these  fell 
during  the  march  and  became  stiffened  at  once. 

During  this  period  von  Scherer  noticed  that  those 
who  had  been  suffering  very  much  from  cold  would 
die  quickly  when  they  had  fallen  to  the  frozen,  ice- 
covered  ground;  the  shaking  due  to  the  fall  probably 
causing  injury  to  the  spinal  cord,  resulting  in  sudden 
general  paralysis  of  the  lower  extremities,  the  bladder 
and  the  intestinal  tract  being  affected  to  the  extent  of 
an  involuntary  voiding  of  urine  and  feces. 

Surgeon-major  von  Keller  stated  to  von  Scherer  the 
following  case :  "I  was  lying  near  Wilna,  it  was  during 
the  first  days  of  December,  during  one  of  the  coldest 
nights,  together  with  several  German  officers,  on  the 
road  close  to  a  camp  fire,  when  a  military  servant 
approached  us  asking  permission  to  bring  his  master, 
a  French  officer  of  the  guards,  to  our  fire. 

This  permission  was  willingly  granted,  and  two 
soldiers  of  the  guard  brought  a  tall  and  strong  man  of 
about  thirty  years  of  age  whom  they  placed  on  the 
ground  between  themselves. 

When  the  Frenchman  learned  of  the  presence  of 
a  surgeon  he  narrated  that  something  quite  extraor- 
dinary had  happened  to  him. 

Notwithstanding  the  great  general  misery,  he  had 
thus  far  been  cheerful  and  well,  but  half  an  hour 
previous  his  feet  had  stiffened  and  he  had  been  unable 
to  walk,  and  now  he  had  no  longer  any  sensation  from 
the  toes  up  the  legs. 

I  examined  him  and  found  that  his  feet  were  com- 
pletely stiff,  white  like  marble,  and  ice  cold. 

81 


The  officer  was  well  dressed  and,  notwithstanding 
his  pitiful  condition,  more  cheerful  than  myself  and 
my  comrades. 

Soon  he  felt  a  strong  desire  to  urinate,  but  was 
unable  to  do  so. 

With  great  relish  he  ate  a  large  piece  of  horse  flesh 
which  had  been  roasted  at  the  fire,  but  soon  complained 
of  great  illness. 

His  cheerfulness  changed  suddenly  to  a  sensation 
of  great  distress.  Ischuria  persisted  for  several  hours 
and  caused  him  great  pain;  later  on  during  the  night, 
he  involuntarily  voided  feces  and  a  large  amount  of 
urine.  He  slept  a  great  deal,  the  breathing  was  free, 
but  at  dawn  he  fell  into  a  helpless  condition,  and,  at 
daybreak,  before  we  had  left  the  fire,  this  strong  man, 
who  eight  to  ten  hours  before  had  been  in  good  health, 
died." 

Most  excellent  and  ingenious  men  in  the  prime  of 
manhood  all  suffered  more  or  less  from  the  cold ;  with 
the  exception  of  a  few  cases,  the  senses  of  all  were,  if 
not  entirely  deranged,  at  least  weakened.  The  longest 
and  sometimes  complete  resistance  to  the  cold  was 
offered  by  those  who  had  always  been  of  a  cheerful 
disposition,  especially  those  who  had  not  become  dis- 
couraged by  the  great  privations  and  hardships,  who 
ate  horse  flesh  with  relish  and  who  in  general  had 
adapted  themselves  to  circumstances. 

One  of  the  Wuerttembergian  officers,  a  man  of  con- 
siderable military  knowledge  and  experience,  was 
attacked,  a  few  days  before  reaching  Wilna,  with 
so  pronounced  a  loss  of  sensation  that  he  only 
vegetated,  moving  along  in  the  column  like  a  machine. 

He  had  no  bodily  sickness,  no  fever,  was  fairly  well 
in  strength,  had  never  or  rarely  been  in  want,  but  his 

82 


whole  sensory  system  was  seriously  affected  by  the 
cold. 

von  Scherer  saw  him,  after  he  arrived  at  an  inn  in 
Wilna,  somewhat  recovered  by  warmth  and  food,  but 
acting  childishly. 

While  he  ate  the  food  placed  before  him  he  would 
make  terrible  grimaces,  crying  or  laughing  for  minutes 
at  a  time. 

His  constitution  badly  shaken,  but  gradually  improv- 
ing, he  returned  home,  and  it  took  a  long  time  before 
he  recovered  completely. 

All  traces  of  his  sickness  disappeared  finally,  and  as 
active  as  ever  he  attended  his  former  duties. 

Another  officer,  with  whom  von  Scherer  traveled 
a  few  days  between  Krasnoe  and  Orscha,  had  not  until 
then  suffered  any  real  want. 

He  rode  in  a  well-closed  carriage  drawn  by  strong 
horses,  had  two  soldiers  as  servants,  was  well  dressed 
and  suffered,  therefore,  much  less  than  others.  Espe- 
cially was  he  well  protected  from  the  cold,  yet  this 
had  a  severe  effect  on  him.  His  mind  became 
deranged,  he  did  not  recognize  von  Scherer  with  whom 
he  had  been  on  intimate  terms  for  years,  nor  could 
he  call  either  of  his  servants  by  name;  he  would  con- 
stantly run  alongside  the  carriage,  insisting  that  it 
belonged  to  the  French  emperor  and  that  he  was 
entrusted  to  guard  his  majesty. 

Only  when  he  had  fallen  asleep,  or  by  force,  was 
von  Scherer  able,  with  the  aid  of  the  two  servants,  to 
place  him  in  the  carriage. 

His  mental  condition  became  worse  every  day;  von 
Scherer  had  to  leave  him. 

This  officer  reached  Wilna,  where  he  was  made 
a  prisoner  and  soon  died  in  captivity. 

83 


Many  more  cases  resembling  these  two  were 
observed  by  von  Scherer,  and  other  army  surgeons 
reported  instances  of  the  like  effect  of  cold. 

Surgeon  General  von  Schmetter  had  remained  with 
the  Crown  Prince  of  Wuerttemberg  in  Wilna,  while 
the  army  marched  to  Moscow. 

He  reported  many  cases  of  unfortunates  whom  he 
had  received  in  the  hospital  in  Wilna,  who  by  cold  and 
misery  of  all  kinds  had  been  reduced  to  a  pitiful  state 
— men  formerly  of  a  vigorous  constitution  presented  a 
puerile  appearance  and  had  become  demented. 

A  cavalryman  of  the  regiment  Duke  Louis,  who, 
during  February,  1813,  had  been  admitted  into  the 
hospital  of  Wilna,  suffering  from  quiet  mania  without 
being  feverish,  was  constantly  searching  for  something. 

Hands  and  feet  had  been  frozen.  He  became  ill 
with  typhus  and  was  more  or  less  delirious  for  two 
weeks. 

After  the  severity  of  the  sickness  had  abated  he 
again  began  to  search  anxiously  for  something,  and 
after  the  fever  had  left  him  he  explained  that  thirty 
thousand  florins,  which  he  had  brought  with  him  to  the 
hospital,  had  been  taken  away. 

It  was  learned  that  this  cavalryman  had  been  sent, 
together  with  other  comrades,  with  dispatches  to 
Murat ;  that  these  men  had  defended  Murat  with  great 
bravery  when  he  was  in  danger  in  the  battle  of  Boro- 
dino. 

Murat,  in  recognition  of  their  bravery,  which  had 
saved  him,  had  given  them  a  wagon  with  gold,  which 
they  were  to  divide  among  themselves. 

The  share  of  each  of  these  cavalrymen  amounted  to 
over  thirty  thousand  florins,  and  the  gold  was  trans- 
ported on  four  horses,  but  these  horses,  for  want  of 

84 


food,  had  broken  down  under  the  load,  and  the  gold 
had  fallen  into  the  hands  of  the  Cossacks. 

The  patient  became  quite  ecstatic  when,  during  his 
convalescence,  he  was  told  that  he  had  brought  no  gold 
with  him  into  the  hospital;  only  gradually  could  he 
be  made  to  understand  that  he  had  been  mistaken. 

He  said,  however,  that  he  could  not  recollect  having 


been  robbed  during  the  retreat,  although  this  fact  had 
been  testified  to  by  two  witnesses. 

Two  years  after  he  had  left  the  hospital  and  quitted 
the  military  service,  when  he  was  perfectly  well  and 
vigorous  again,  he  recollected  that  on  a  very  cold  day 
he  had  been  taken  prisoner  by  Cossacks,  who  had  left 
him,  naked  and  unconscious,  in  the  snow. 

8* 


He  could  not  remember  how  and  when  he  had  come 
into  the  hospital.  Notwithstanding  all  these  later  re- 
collections, he  still  imagined  from  time  to  time  that  he 
had  brought  the  gold  with  him  into  the  hospital. 

Surgeon  General  von  Schmetter  reported  further 
the  case  of  a  cavalryman  of  the  King's  regiment  who, 
like  many  others,  had  returned  from  Russia  in  an 
imbecile  condition. 

He  spoke  alternately,  or  mixed  up,  Polish,  Russian, 
and  German ;  he  had  to  be  fed  like  a  child,  could  not 
remember  his  name  or  the  name  of  his  native  place, 
and  died  from  exhaustion  eight  days  after  admittance 
into  the  hospital. 

On  necropsy  of  the  quite  wrinkled  body,  the  cerebral 
vessels  were  found  full  of  blood,  the  ventricles  full 
of  serum.  On  the  surface  of  the  brain  between  the 
latter  and  the  meninges  were  found  several  larger  and 
smaller  sacs  rilled  with  lymph,  the  spinal  canal  full 
of  serum ;  in  the  spinal  cord  plain  traces  of  inflamma- 
tion. In  the  lungs  there  was  much  dark  coagulated 
blood,  and  likewise  in  the  vena  cava;  in  the  stomach 
and  intestines,  many  cicatrices;  the  mesenteric  glands 
and  pancreas  were  much  degenerated  and  filled  with 
pus;  the  rectum  showed  many  cicatrices  and  several 
ulcers. 

In  the  hospital  of  Mergentheim  eight  necropsies 
were  held  on  corpses  of  soldiers  who  had  returned 
mentally  affected  in  consequence  of  exposure  to 
extreme  cold.  Similar  conditions  had  presented  them- 
selves in  all  these  cases. 

Surgeon  General  von  Kohlreuter  attended  an  in- 
fantry officer  who  had  arrived  at  Inorawlow,  in 
Poland,  where  the  remainder  of  the  Wuerttembergian 
corps  had  rallied.    He  showed  no  special  sickness,  had 

86 


no  fever,  but  fell  into  complete  apathy.  For  a  long 
time  he  had  great  weakness  of  mind,  but  recovered 
completely  in  the  end. 

Of  another  patient  of  this  kind,  an  officer  of  the 
general  staff,  who  had  been  treated  after  that  fatal 
retreat  from  Moscow,  von  Kohlreuter  reports  that 
later  on  he  recovered  completely  from  the  mental 
derangement,  but  died  on  his  return,  near  the  borders 
of  Saxony,  from  exhaustion. 

An  infantry  officer  became  mentally  deranged  some- 
time after  he  had  returned  to  his  home ;  it  took  a  long 
time,  but  finally  he  recovered  without  special  medical 
aid. 

Recovery  of  such  cases  was  accomplished  by  time, 
a  mild  climate,  by  social  intercourse,  and  good  nourish- 
ment; many  of  them,  on  the  way  through  Germany 
and  before  they  reached  their  own  home,  had  com- 
pletely regained  their  mental  faculties,  and  only  in  a 
small  number  of  cases  did  it  take  a  long  period  of  time 
and  medication  before  recovery  was  assured. 

The  effect  of  intense  cold  on  wounds  was  very 
severe:  Violent  inflammation,  enormous  swelling, 
gangraene — the  latter  often  due  to  the  impossibility  of 
proper  care.  Larger  wounds  sometimes  could  not  be 
dressed  on  the  retreat,  and  while  the  cold  weather 
lasted  gangraene  and  death  followed  in  quick  suc- 
cession. The  effect  of  cold  was  noticed  also  on 
wounds  which  had  healed  and  cicatrized. 

von  Happrecht,  an  officer  of  the  regiment  Duke 
Louis,  had  been  wounded  in  the  foot  by  a  cannon  ball 
in  the  battle  of  Borodino  on  September  7th.,  and 
Surgeon-General  von  Kohlreuter  had  amputated  it. 
Fairly  strong  and  cheerful,  this  officer  arrived  safely 
at  the  Beresina.    The  passage  over  this  river  was,  as 

87 


is  well  known,  very  dangerous,  and  von  Happrecht 
had  to  wait,  exposed  to  cold,  for  some  time  before  he 
could  cross.  Soon  after  traversing  on  horseback  he 
felt  as  if  he  had  lost  the  stump;  he  had  no  sensation 
in  the  leg  the  foot  of  which  had  been  amputated. 
Unfortunately,  he  approached  a  fire  to  warm  himself 
and  felt  a  severe  pain  in  the  stump;  extensive  inflam- 
mation, with  swelling,  set  in ;  gangraene  followed  and, 
notwithstanding  most  skilful  attendance,  he  died  soon 
after  his  arrival  at  Wilna. 

So  far  von  Scherer.  Beaupre,  speaking  of  his  own 
observations  of  the  effects  of  extreme  cold,  gives  the 
following  account: 

Soldiers  unable  to  go  further  fell  and  resigned 
themselves  to  death,  in  that  frightful  state  of  despair 
which  is  caused  by  the  total  loss  of  moral  and  physical 
force,  which  was  aggravated  to  the  utmost  by  the  sight 
of  their  comrades  stretched  lifeless  on  the  snow.  Dur- 
ing a  retreat  so  precipitate  and  fatal,  in  a  country 
deprived  of  its  resources,  amid  disorder  and  confusion, 
the  sad  physician  was  forced  to  remain  an  astonished 
spectator  of  evils  he  could  not  arrest,  to  which  he  could 
apply  no  remedy.  The  state  of  matters  remarkably 
affected  the  moral  powers.  The  consternation  was 
general.  Fear  of  not  escaping  the  danger  was  very 
naturally  allied  with  the  desperate  idea  of  seeing  one's 
country  no  more.  None  could  flatter  himself  that  his 
courage  and  strength  would  suffice  so  that  he  would 
be  able  to  withstand  privations  and  sufferings  beyond 
human  endurance.  Italians,  Portuguese,  Spaniards, 
those  from  the  temperate  and  southern  parts  of  France, 
obliged  to  brave  an  austere  climate  unknown  to  them, 
directed  their  thoughts  toward  their  country  and  with 

88 


good  reasons  regretted  the  beauty  of  the  heaven,  the 
softness  of  the  air  of  the  regions  of  their  birth. 

Nostalgia  was  common.  .  .  .  The  army  was  but 
three  days  from  Smolensk  when  the  heavens  became 
dark,  and  snow  began  to  fall  in  great  flakes,  in  such  a 
quantity  that  the  air  was  obscured.  The  cold  was  then 
felt  with  extreme  severity;  the  northern  wind  blew 
impetuously  into  the  faces  of  the  soldiers  and  incom- 
moded many  who  were  no  longer  able  to  see.  They 
strayed,  fell  into  the  snow — above  all,  when  night 
surprised  them — and  thus  miserably  perished. 

Disbanded  regiments  were  reduced  to  almost  nothing 
by  the  loss  of  men  continually  left  behind  either  on 
the  roads  or  in  the  bivouacs. 

Of  the  days  of  Smolensk  he  writes :  In  the  streets 
one  met  with  none  but  sick  and  wounded  men  asking 
for  hospitals,  soldiers  of  every  sort,  of  every  nation, 
going  and  coming,  some  of  them  trying  to  find  a  place 
where  provisions  were  sold  or  distributed;  others 
taciturn,  incapable  of  any  effort,  absorbed  by  grief, 
half  dead  with  cold,  awaiting  their  last  hour.  On  all 
sides  there  were  complaints  and  groans,  dead  and 
dying  soldiers,  all  of  which  presented  a  picture  that 
was  still  further  darkened  by  the  ruinous  aspect  of  the 
city.  .  .  At  Smolensk  Beaupre  himself  had  a  narrow 
escape  from  freezing  to  death;  he  narrates:  During 
the  frightful  night  when  we  left  Smolensk  I  felt  much 
harassed;  toward  5  in  the  morning,  a  feeling  of  las- 
situde impelled  me  to  stop  and  rest.  I  sat  down  on  the 
trunk  of  a  birch,  beside  eight  frozen  corpses,  and  soon 
experienced  an  inclination  to  sleep,  to  which  I  yielded 
the  more  willingly  as  at  that  moment  it  seemed 
delicious.  Fortunately  I  was  aroused  from  that 
incipient    somnolency — which    infallibly    would    have 

89 


brought  on  torpor — by  the  cries  and  oaths  of  two 
soldiers  who  were  violently  striking  a  poor  exhausted 
horse  that  had  fallen  down. 

I  emerged  from  that  state  with  a  sort  of  shock. 

The  sight  of  what  was  beside  me  strongly  recalled 
to  my  mind  the  danger  to  which  I  exposed  myself;  I 
took  a  little  brandy  and  started  to  run  to  remove  the 
numbness  of  my  legs,  the  coldness  and  insensibility 
of  which  were  as  if  they  had  been  immersed  in  an 
iced  bath. 

He  then  describes  his  experience  in  similar  cases : 
It  happened  three  or  four  times  that  I  assisted  some 
of  those  unfortunates  who  had  just  fallen  and  began 
to  doze,  to  rise  again  and  endeavored  to  keep  them  in 
motion  after  having  given  them  a  little  sweetened 
brandy. 

It  was  in  vain;  they  could  neither  advance  nor 
support  themselves,  and  they  fell  again  in  the  same 
place,  where  of  necessity  they  had  to  be  abandoned  to 
their  unhappy  lot.  Their  pulse  was  small  and  im- 
perceptible. Respiration,  infrequent  and  scarcely 
sensible  in  some,  was  attended  in  others  by  complaints 
and  groans.  Sometimes  the  eyes  were  open,  fixed, 
dull,  wild,  and  the  brain  was  seized  by  a  quiet 
delirium;  in  other  instances  the  eyes  were  red  and 
manifested  a  transient  excitement  of  the  brain;  there 
was  marked  delirium  in  these  cases.  Some  stammered 
incoherent  words,  others  had  a  reserved  and  convulsive 
cough.  In  some  blood  flowed  from  the  nose  and  ears ; 
they  agitated  their  limbs  as  if  groping.  (This  descrip- 
tion of  Beaupre  complements  the  account  given  by  von 
Scherer.) 

Many  had  their  hands,  feet,  and  ears  frozen.  A 
great  many  were  mortally  stricken  when  obliged  to 

90 


stop  to  relieve  nature;  the  arrival  of  that  dreaded 
moment  was  in  fact  very  embarrassing,  on  account  of 
the  danger  of  exposing  oneself  to  the  air  as  well  as 
owing  to  the  numbness  of  the  fingers  which  rendered 
them  unable  to  readjust  the  clothes.  .   .   . 

And  they  traveled  day  and  night,  often  without 
knowing  where  they  were. 

Ultimately  they  were  obliged  to  stop,  and,  complain- 
ing, shivering,  forced  to  lie  down  in  the  woods,  on  the 
roads,  in  ditches,  at  the  bottom  of  ravines,  often 
without  fire,  because  they  had  no  wood  at  hand,  nor 
strength  enough  to  go  and  cut  some  in  the  vicinity;  if 
they  succeeded  in  lighting  one,  they  warmed  them- 
selves as  they  could,  and  fell  asleep  without  delay. 

The  first  hours  of  sleep  were  delightful,  but,  alas! 
they  were  merely  the  deceitful  precursor  of  death  that 
was  waiting  for  them. 

The  fire  at  length  became  extinct  for  want  of  atten- 
tion or  owing  to  the  great  blast.  Instead  of  finding 
safety  in  the  sweets  of  sleep,  they  were  seized  and 
benumbed  by  cold,  and  never  saw  daylight  again.  .   .  . 

I  have  seen  them  sad,  pale,  despairing,  without  arms, 
staggering,  scarce  able  to  sustain  themselves,  their 
heads  hanging  to  the  right  or  left,  their  extremities 
contracted,  setting  their  feet  on  the  coals,  lying  down 
on  hot  cinders,  or  falling  into  the  fire,  which  they 
sought  mechanically,  as  if  by  instinct. 

Others  apparently  less  feeble,  and  resolved  not  to 
allow  themselves  to  be  depressed  by  misfortune,  rallied 
their  powers  to  avoid  sinking;  but  often  they  quitted 
one  place  only  to  perish  in  another. 

Along  the  road,  in  the  adjacent  ditches  and  fields, 
were  perceived  human  carcasses,  heaped  up  and  lying 
at  random  in  fives,  tens,  fifteens  and  twenties,  of  such 

91 


as  had  perished  during  the  night,  which  was  always 
more  murderous  than  the  day. 

When  no  longer  able  to  continue  walking,  having 
neither  strength  nor  will  power,  they  fell  on  their 
knees. 

The  muscles  of  the  trunk  were  the  last  to  lose  the 
power  of  contraction. 


t</A 


\vyv- 


"  And  never  saw  daylight  again." 

Many  of  those  unfortunates  remained  for  some 
time  in  that  posture  contending  with  death. 

Once  fallen  it  was  impossible  for  them,  even  with 
their  utmost  efforts,  to  rise  again.  The  danger  of 
stopping  had  been  universally  observed ;  but,  alas ! 
presence  of  mind  and  firm  determination  did  not 
always  suffice  to  ward  off  mortal  attacks  made  from  all 
directions  upon  one  miserable  life! 


92 


WIASMA 

About  a  mile  and  a  half  from  Wiasma  the  enemy 
appeared  to  the  left  of  the  road,  and  his  fire  happened 
to  strike  the  midst  of  the  tail  of  the  army,  composed 
of  disbanded  soldiers  without  arms,  with  wounded 
and  sick  among  them,  and  women  and  children. 
Every  artillery  discharge  of  the  Russians  caused 
frightful  cries  and  a  frightful  commotion  in  the  help- 
less mass. 

And  the  rear  guard,  in  trying  to  make  them  advance, 
ill-treated  them,  the  soldiers  who  had  clung  to  the  flag 
assumed  the  right  to  despise  those  who,  either  volun- 
tarily or  under  compulsion,  had  abandoned  it. 

Of  the  old  generals  of  Davout  some  had  been  killed, 
Friant  was  so  severely  wounded  that  he  could  not  be 
about,  Compans  had  been  wounded  in  the  arm, 
Moraud  in  the  head,  but  these  two,  the  former  with 
one  arm  in  a  sling,  the  other  with  a  bandaged  head, 
were  on  horseback,  surrounding  the  marshal  com- 
manding the  first  corps  which  had  been  reduced  to 
15  thousand  from  20  thousand  at  Moshaisk,  from  28 
thousand  in  Moscow,  and  from  72  thousand  crossing 
the  Niemen.  The  remaining  15  thousand  were  all  old 
warriors  whose  iron  constitution  had  triumphed. 

The  battle  of  Wiasma  took  place  on  the  2d.  of 
November.  The  Russians  under  Miloradovitch  had 
100  cannon,  whereas  the  French  under  Ney,  Davout, 

93 


and  the  wounded  generals  named  above,  had  only  40. 
This  day  cost  the  French  1,500  to  1,800  men  in  killed 
and  wounded,  and,  as  mentioned,  these  were  of  the 
oldest  and  best;  the  loss  of  the  Russians  was  twice 
that  number,  but  their  wounded  were  not  lost,  while 
it  was  impossible  to  save  a  single  one  of  the  French, 
for  the  latter  had  no  attendance  at  all;  the  cold  being 
very  severe  it  killed  them,  and  those  who  did  not 
perish  by  the  frost  were  put  to  death  by  the  cruel, 
ferocious  Russian  peasants. 

Entering  Wiasma  at  night,  nothing  in  the  way  of 
provisions  was  found;  the  guard  and  the  corps  which 
had  been  there  before  the  battle  had  devoured  every- 
thing. No  provisions  were  left  of  those  taken  along 
from  Moscow.  The  army  passed  a  sombre  and  bitter 
cold  night  in  a  forest;  great  fires  were  lighted,  horse 
meat  was  roasted,  and  the  soldiers  of  Prince  Eugene 
and  of  Marshal  Davout,  especially  the  latter  who  had 
been  on  their  feet  for  three  days,  slept  profoundly 
around  great  camp-fires.  During  two  weeks  they  had 
been  on  duty  to  cover  the  retreat  and  during  this  time 
had  lost  more  than  one  half  of  their  number. 

Napoleon  arrived  at  Dorogobouge  on  November 
5th.,  the  Prince  Eugene  on  the  6th.,  the  other  corps 
on  the  7th.  and  8th. 

Until  then  the  frost  had  been  severe  but  not  yet 
fatal.  All  of  a  sudden,  on  the  9th.,  the  weather 
changed,  and  there  was  a  terrible  snow-storm. 

On  their  way  to  Moscow  the  regiments  had  traversed 
Poland  during  a  suffocating  heat  and  had  left  their 
warm  clothing  in  the  magazines. 

Some  soldiers  had  taken  furs  with  them  from  Mos- 
cow, but  had  sold  them  to  their  officers. 

Well  nourished,  they  could  have  stood  the  frost,  but 
94 


living  on  a  little  flour  diluted  with  water,  on  horse 
meat  roasted  at  the  camp  fire,  sleeping  on  the  ground 
without  shelter,  they  suffered  frightfully.  We  shall 
later  on  speak  more  in  detail  of  the  miserable  clothing. 

The  first  snow  which  had  been  falling  after  they  had 
left  Dorogobouge  had  seriously  increased  the  general 
misery.  Except  among  the  soldiers  of  the  rear  guard 
which  had  been  commanded  with  inflexible  firmness  by 
Davout,  and  which  was  now  led  by  Ney,  the  sense  of 
duty  began  to  be  lost  by  almost  all  soldiers. 

As  we  have  learned,  all  the  wounded  had  to  be  left 
to  their  fate,  and  soldiers  who  had  been  charged  to 
escort  Russian  prisoners  relieved  themselves  of  their 
charge  by  shooting  these  prisoners  dead. 

The  horses  had  not  been  shod  in  Russian  fashion 
for  traveling  on  the  ice.  Thearmy  had  come  during 
the  summer  without  anv  ^■■LjBurning  during  the 
winter;  the  horses   sliflyfl  I  ice,  those  of  the 

artillery  were  too  feebleto  dra^Einnon  even  of  small 
calibre,  they  were  beaten  unmercifully  until  they 
perished ;  not  only  cannons  and  ammunition  had  to  be 
left,  but  the  number  of  vehicles  carrying  necessities 
of  life  diminished  from  day  to  day.  The  soldiers  lived 
on  the  fallen  horses ;  when  night  came  the  dead  animals 
were  cut  to  pieces  by  means  of  the  sabre,  huge  por- 
tions were  roasted  at  immense  fires,  the  men  devoured 
them  and  went  to  sleep  around  the  fires.  If  the  Cos- 
sacks did  not  disturb  their  dearly  bought  sleep  the 
men  would  awake;  some  half  burnt,  others  finding 
themselves  lying  in  the  mud  which  had  formed  around 
them,  and  many  would  not  rise  any  more.  General 
von  Kerner,  of  the  Wuerttembergian  troops  had  slept 
in  a  barn  during  the  night  from  November  7th.  to 
November  8th.     Coming  out  at  daybreak  he  saw  his 

95 


men  in  the  plain  as  they  had  lain  down  around  a  fire 
the  evening  before,  frozen  and  dead.  The  survivors 
would  depart,  hardly  glancing  at  the  unfortunates 
who  had  died  or  were  dying,  and  for  whom  they  could 
do  nothing. 

The  snow  would  soon  cover  them,  and  small 
eminences  marked  the  places  where  these  brave  sol- 
diers had  been  sacrificed  for  a  foolish  enterprise. 

It  was  under  these  circumstances  that  Ney,  the 
man  of  the  greatest  energy  and  of  a  courage  which 
could  not  be  shaken  by  any  kind  of  suffering,  took 
command  of  the  rear  guard,  relieving  Davout  whose 
inflexible  firmness  and  sense  of  honor  and  duty  were 
not  less  admirable  than  the  excellent  qualities  of  Ney. 
The  bravest  of  the  braves,  as  Napoleon  had  called 
Ney,  had  an  iron  constitution,  he  never  seemed  to  be 
tired  nor  suffering  from  any  ailment;  he  passed  the 
night  without  shelter,  slept  or  did  not  sleep,  ate  or  did 
not  eat,  without  ever  being  discouraged;  most  of  the 
time  he  was  on  his  feet  in  the  midst  of  his  soldiers; 
he  did  not  find  it  beneath  the  dignity  of  a  Marshal  of 
France,  when  necessary,  to  gather  50  or  100  men  about 
him  and  lead  them,  like  a  simple  captain  of  infantry, 
against  the  enemy  under  fire  of  musketry,  calm,  serene, 
believing  himself  invulnerable  and  being  apparently 
so  indeed;  he  did  not  find  it  incompatible  with  his 
rank  to  take  up  the  musket  of  a  soldier  who  had 
fallen  and  to  fire  at  the  enemy  like  a  private.  There 
is  a  great  painting  in  the  gallery  of  Versailles  repre- 
senting him  in  such  an  action.  He  had  never  been 
wounded  in  battle.  And  this  great  hero  was  executed 
in  the  morning  of  December  7th.,  181 5,  in  the  garden 
of  the  Luxembourg. 

Louis  XVIII,  this  miserable  and  insignificant  man 
96 


of  legitimate  royal  blood  who  had  never  rendered  any 
service  to  France,  wanted  revenge — Ney  was  arrested 
and  condemned  by  the  Chamber  of  Peers  after  the 
marshals  had  refused  to  condemn  him.  His  wife 
pleaded  in  vain  for  his  life,  the  king  remained  in- 
flexible. Ney  was  simply  shot  by  12  poor  soldiers 
commanded  for  the  execution.  After  the  marshal 
had  sunk  down,  an  Englishman  suddenly  rode  up  at  a 
gallop  and  leaped  over  the  fallen  hero,  to  express  the 
triumph  of  the  victors.  It  was  in  as  bad  taste  as 
everything  that  England  contrived  against  Napoleon 
and  his  men.* 

Among  the  spectators  there  was  also  a  Russian 
general  in  full  uniform  and  on  horseback.  Tzar 
Alexander  expelled  him  from  the  army  after  he  had 
heard  of  it. 

The  Bourbons  commenced  a  tromocraty  which  was 
called,  in  contrast  to  the  terrorisms  of  the  revolution, 
the  white  terror. 

Much  has  been  written  about  the  fantastic  costume 
of  Murat,  but  I  do  not  recollect  having  read  the  true 
explanation  of  it.  All  writers  agree  that  he  was  the 
bravest,  the  greatest  cavalry  general.  As  such  he 
meant  to  be  distinguished  from  far  and  near  in  the 
midst  of  the  battle  where  danger  was  greatest,  so  that 
the  sight  of  his  person,  his  exposure  to  the  enemy, 
should  encourage  and  inspire  his  soldiers.  He  rode 
a  very  noble  white  horse  and  wore  a  Polish  kurtka  of 
light  blue  velvet  which  reached  down  to  the  knees, 
embroidered  with  golden  lace,  dark  red  mameluke 
pantaloons  with  golden  galloons,  white  gauntlets  and 

*  Brave  men  were  condemned  to  deportation  or  were 
executed;  derision  and  mocking  of  Napoleon's  generals  was 
the  order  of  the  day. 

97 


a  three-cornered  general's  hat  with  white  plumes ;  the 
saddle  was  of  red  velvet  and  a  caparison  of  the  same 
stuff,  all  embroidered  with  gold.  The  neck  of  the 
king  was  bare,  a  large  white  scalloped  collar  fell  over 
the  collar  of  the  kurtka.  A  strong  black  full  beard 
gave  a  martial  expression  to  his  face  with  the  fiery  eyes 
and  regular  features.  Sometimes  he  wore  a  biretta 
with  a  diamond  agraffe  and  a  high  plume  of  heron 
feathers.  Very  seldom  he  appeared  in  the  uniform 
of  a  marshal. 

And  this  other  great  hero,  who,  like  Ney,  had  never 
been  wounded  in  battle,  was  executed  by  order  of  the 
court  of  Naples  on  October  13th.,  1815,  in  the  hall  of 
castle  Pizzo. 


98 


VOP 

In  order  to  give  an  idea  of  the  great  difficulties  the 
soldiers  had  to  face,  and  examples  of  their  heroic 
behavior  under  trying  circumstances,  let  us  relate  the 
disaster  of  Vop. 

While  Napoleon,  with  the  imperial  guard,  the  corps 
of  Marshal  Davout  and  a  mass  of  stragglers,  all 
escorted  by  Marshal  Ney,  was  marching  on  the  road 
to  Smolensk,  Prince  Eugene  had  taken  the  road  to 
Doukhowtchina.  The  prince  had  with  him  6  or  7 
thousand  men  under  arms,  including  the  Italian  guard, 
some  Bavarian  cavalry  which  still  had  their  horses  and 
their  artillery  mounted,  and  also  many  stragglers,  with 
these  a  number  of  families  who  had  been  following 
the  Italian  division. 

At  the  end  of  the  first  day's  journey — it  was  on 
November  8th. — near  the  castle  Zazale,  they  hoped  to 
find  at  this  castle  some  provisions  and  an  abode  for 
the  night.  A  great  cold  had  set  in,  and  when  they 
came  to  a  hill  the  road  was  so  slippery  that  it  was 
almost  impossible  to  negotiate  the  elevation  with  even 
the  lightest  load.  Detaching  horses  from  the  pieces 
in  order  to  double  and  treble  the  teams  they  succeeded 
in  scaling  the  height  with  cannons  of  small  calibre,  but 
they  were  forced  to  abandon  the  larger  ones. 

The  men  being  exhausted  as  well  as  the  horses  they 
felt  humiliated  at  being  obliged  to  leave  their  best 
pieces. 

99 


While  they  had  exerted  themselves  with  such  sad 
results,  Platow  had  followed  them  with  his  Cossacks 
and  light  cannons  mounted  on  sleighs  and  incessantly 
fired  into  the  French.  The  commander  of  the  Italian 
artillery,  General  Anthouard,  was  severely  wounded 
and  was  compelled  to  give  up  his  command. 

A  gloomy  night  was  passed  at  the  castle  Zazale. 

On  the  morning  of  the  9th.  they  left  at  an  early 
hour  to  cross  the  Vop,  a  little  rivulet  during  the  sum- 
mer but  now  quite  a  river,  at  least  four  feet  deep  and 
full  of  mud  and  ice. 

The  pontooneers  of  Prince  Eugene  had  gone  ahead, 
working  during  the  night  to  construct  a  bridge,  but 
frozen  and  hungry  they  had  suspended  their  work  for 
a  few  hours,  to  finish  it  after  a  short  rest. 

At  daybreak  those  most  anxious  to  cross  went  on 
the  unfinished  bridge  which  they  thought  was  com- 
pleted. 

A  heavy  mist  prevented  them  from  recognizing 
their  error  until  the  first  ones  fell  into  the  icy  water 
emitting  piercing  cries.  Finally  horses  and  men  waded 
through  the  water — some  succeeded,  other  succumbed. 

It  would  lead  too  far  to  give  here  a  full  description 
of  the  distressing  scenes,  the  difficulty  of  passing  with 
artillery  and  the  mostly  vain  attempts  to  bring  over 
the  baggage  wagons.  But,  to  cap  the  climax,  there 
arrived  3  or  4  thousand  Cossacks  shouting  savagely. 
With  the  greatest  difficulty  only  was  the  rear  guard 
able  to  keep  them  at  a  distance  so  that  they  could  not 
come  near  enough  to  make  use  of  their  lances.  Their 
artillery,  however,  caused  veritable  desolation. 

Among  the  poor  fugitives  from  Moscow  there  were 
a  number  of  Italian  and  French  women;  these  un- 
fortunates stood  at  the  border  of  the  river,  crying  and 

100 


embracing  their  children,  but;  not .  cianng  ;io<  Vide; 
through  it.  Brave  soldiers,  full  of  humanity,  'took  the* 
little  ones  in  their  arms  and  passed  with  them,  some 
repeating  this  two  and  three  times,  in  order  to  bring 
all  the  children  safely  over.  These  desolate  families, 
not  being  able  to  save  their  vehicles,  lost  with  them  the 
means  of  subsistence  brought  from  Moscow.  All  the 
baggage,  the  entire  artillery  with  the  exception  of 
seven  or  eight  pieces,  had  been  lost,  and  a  thousand 
men  had  been  killed  by  the  fire  of  the  Cossacks. 

This  dreadful  event  on  the  retreat  from  Moscow  is 
called  the  disaster  of  Vop  and  was  the  precursor  of 
another  disaster  of  the  same  nature,  but  a  hundred 
times  more  frightful,  the  disaster  of  the  Beresina. 


There  was  another  cause  of  death  of  which  we 
have  not  spoken  yet:  this  was  the  action  of  the  heat 
at  the  campfires.  Anxious  to  warm  themselves,  most 
of  the  soldiers  hastened  to  bring  their  limbs  near  the 
flame ;  but  this  sudden  exposure  to  extreme  heat,  after 
having  suffered  from  the  other  extreme — cold — was 
acting  on  the  feeble  circulation  in  the  tissues  and 
produced  gangraene  of  the  feet,  the  hands,  even  of  the 
face,  causing  paralysis  either  partial,  of  the  extrem- 
ities, or  general,  of  the  whole  body. 

Only  those  were  saved  who  had  been  able  to  keep 
up  their  circulation  by  means  of  hot  drinks  or  other 
stimulants  and  who,  noticing  numbness,  had  rubbed  the 
affected  parts  with  snow.  Those  who  did  not  or  could 
not  resort  to  these  precautions  found  themselves 
paralyzed,  or  stricken  with  sudden  gangraene,  in  the 
morning  when  the  camp  broke  up. 

The  hospitals  of  Koenigsberg  admitted  about  10 
thousand  soldiers  of  Napoleon's  army,  only  a  small 

101 


rimhber  o'f  whom  had  been  wounded,  most  of  them 
with  frozen  extremities,  who  had,  as  the  physicians 
of  that  time  called  it,  a  pest,  the  fever  of  congelation 
which  was  terribly  contagious. 

The  heroic  Larrey  although  exhausted  from  fatigue 
had  come  to  these  hospitals  to  take  care  of  the  sick, 
but  he  became  infected  with  the  contagion  himself 
and  was  taken  sick. 

A  great  calamity  was  the  want  of  shoes;  we  have 
seen  that  this  was  already  felt  in  Moscow,  before  they 
set  out  on  the  endless  march  over  ice  and  snow. 

The  soldiers  had  their  feet  wrapped  in  rags,  pieces 
of  felt  or  leather,  and  when  a  man  had  fallen  on  the 
road  some  of  his  comrades  would  cut  off  his  feet  and 
carry  them  to  the  next  camp  fire  to  remover  the  rags — 
for  their  own  use. 

But  the  general  appearance  of  the  emaciated  soldiers 
with  long  beards,  and  faces  blackened  by  the  smoke 
of  camp-fires,  the  body  wrapped  in  dirty  rags  of  wear- 
ing apparel  brought  from  Moscow,  was  such  that  it 
was  difficult  to  recognize  them  as  soldiers. 

And  the  vermin!  Carpon,  a  surgeon-major  of  the 
grand  army,  in  describing  the  days  of  Wilna  which 
were  almost  as  frightful  as  the  disaster  of  the  Beresina, 
speaks  on  this  subject.  It  is  revolting.  Strange  to 
say,  it  is  hardly  ever  mentioned  in  the  medical  history 
of  wars,  although  every  one  who  has  been  in  the  field 
is  quite  familiar  with  it. 

At  last  I  have  found — in  Holzhausen's  book — a 
description  of  the  most  revolting  lice  plague  (phthei- 
riasis)  from  which,  according  to  his  valet,  Constant, 
even  the  emperor  was  not  exempted.  As  a  matter  of 
course  under  the  circumstances — impossibility  of 
bodily  cleanliness — this  vermin  developed  in  a  way 

102 


which  baffles  description.  Suckow,  a  Wuerttembergian 
first  lieutenant,  speaks  of  it  as  causing  intolerable 
distress,  disturbing  the  sleep  at  the  campfire.  Johann 
von  Borcke  became  alarmed  when  he  discovered  that 
his  whole  body  was  eaten  up  by  these  insects.  A 
French  colonel  relates  that  in  scratching  himself  he 
tore  a  piece  of  flesh  from  the  neck,  but  that  the  pain 
caused  by  this  wound  produced  a  sensation  of  relief. 


108 


SMOLENSK 

All  the  corps  marched  to  Smolensk  where  they  ex- 
pected to  reach  the  end  of  all  their  misery  and  to  find 
repose,  food,  shelter ;  in  fact,  all  they  were  longing  for. 

Napoleon  entered  the  city  with  his  guards  and  kept 
the  rest  of  the  army,  including  the  stragglers,  out  of 
doors  until  arrangements  could  have  been  made  for  the 
regular  distribution  of  rations  and  quarters.  But 
together  with  the  stragglers  the  mass  of  the  army 
became  unmanageable  and  resorted  to  violence. 

Seeing  that  the  guards  were  given  the  preference 
they  broke  out  in  revolt,  entered  by  force  and  pillaged 
the  magazines.  "  The  magazines  are  pillaged !"  was  the 
general  cry  of  terror  and  despair.  Every  one  was 
running  to  grasp  something  to  eat. 

Finally,  something  like  order  was  established  to  save 
some  of  the  provisions  for  the  corps  of  Prince  Eugene 
and  Marshal  Ney  who  arrived  after  fighting  constantly 
to  protect  the  city  from  the  troops  of  the  enemy.  They 
received  in  their  turn  eatables  and  a  little  rest,  not 
under  shelter  but  in  the  streets,  where  they  were  pro- 
tected, not  from  the  frost,  but  from  the  enemy. 

There  were  no  longer  any  illusions.  The  army 
having  hoped  to  find  shelter  and  protection,  sub- 
sistence, clothes  and,  above  all,  shoes,  at  Smolensk, 
they  found  nothing  of  all  this  and  learned  that  they 
had  to  leave,  perhaps  the  next  day,  to  recommence  the 

104 


interminable  march  without  abode  for  the  night,  with- 
out bread  to  eat  and  constantly  fighting  while  ex- 
hausted, with  the  cruel  certainty  that  if  wounded  they 
would  be  the  prey  of  wolves  and  vultures. 

This  prospect  made  them  all  desperate;  they  saw 
the  abyss,  and  still  the  worst  was  yet  in  store  for 
them :   Beresina  and  Wilna ! 

Napoleon  left  Smolensk  on  November  14th.  The 
cold  had  become  more  intense — 21  deg.  Reaumur  (16 
deg.  below  zero  Fahrenheit) — this  is  the  observation 
of  Larrey  who  had  a  thermometer  attached  to  his 
coat;  he  was  the  only  one  who  kept  a  record  of  the 
temperature. 

The  cold  killed  a  great  many,  and  the  road  became 
covered  with  dead  soldiers  resting  under  the  snow. 

To  the  eternal  honor  of  the  most  glorious  of  all 
armies  be  it  said  that  it  was  only  at  the  time  when 
the  misery  had  surpassed  all  boundaries,  when  the 
soldiers  had  to  camp  on  the  icy  ground  with  an  empty 
stomach,  their  limbs  paralyzed  in  mortal  rigor,  that 
the  dissolution  began. 

It  was  even  after  the  heroic  battle  of  Wiasma  that 
they  fought  day  for  day. 

It  was  not  the  cold  which  caused  the  proud  army 
to  disband,  but  hunger. 

Provisions  could  nowhere  be  found;  all  horses 
perished,  and  with  them  the  possibility  of  transporting 
food  and  ammunition. 

And  it  is  one  thing  to  suffer  cold  and  hunger, 
travelling  under  ordinary  circumstances,  and  another 
to  suffer  thus  and  at  the  same  time  being  followed  by 
the  enemy. 


105 


BERESINA 

In  order  to  understand  the  disaster  of  the  Beresina 
it  is  necessary  to  cast  a  glance  at  the  condition  of 
Napoleon's  army  at  that  time. 

After  the  battle  at  Krasnoe,  Napoleon  at  Orscha,  on 
November  19th.,  happy  to  have  found  a  place  of 
safety  at  last,  with  well  furnished  magazines,  made 
a  new  attempt  to  rally  the  army  by  means  of  a  regular 
distribution  of  rations.  A  detachment  of  excellent 
gendarmes  had  come  from  France  and  was  employed 
to  do  police  duty,  to  engage  everybody,  either  by  per- 
suasion or  by  force,  to  join  his  corps.  These  brave 
men,  accustomed  to  suppress  disorder  in  the  rear  of 
the  army,  had  never  witnessed  anything  like  the  con- 
dition with  which  they  were  obliged  to  deal  at  this 
time.  They  were  dismayed.  All  their  efforts  were  in 
vain.  Threats,  promises  of  rations  if  the  soldiers 
would  fall  in  line,  were  of  no  avail  whatever.  The 
men,  whether  armed  or  not,  thought  it  more  con- 
venient, above  all  more  safe,  to  care  for  themselves 
instead  of  again  taking  up  the  yoke  of  honor,  thereby 
taking  the  risk  of  being  killed,  or  wounded, — which 
amounted  to  the  same  thing — they  would  not  think  of 
sacrificing  their  individual  self  for  the  sake  of  the 
whole.  Some  of  the  disbanded  soldiers  had  retained 
their  arms,  but  only  to  defend  themselves  against  the 
C<Ad{s  and  to  be  better  able  to  maraud.  They  lived 
J0  106 


from  pillaging,  taking  advantage  of  the  escort  of  the 
army,  without  rendering  any  service.     In  order  to 


warm  themselves  they  would  put  fire  to  houses  oc- 
cupied by  wounded  soldiers,  many  of  whom  peris]] 

107 


isted 


in  the  flames  in  consequence.  They  had  become  real 
ferocious  beasts.  Among  these  marauders  were  only 
very  few  old  soldiers,  for  most  of  the  veterans  re- 
mained with  the  flag  until  death. 

Napoleon  addressed  the  guards,  appealing  to  their 
sense  of  duty,  saying  that  they  were  the  last  to  uphold 
military  honor,  that  they,  above  all,  had  to  set  the 
example  to  save  the  remainder  of  the  army  which 
was  in  danger  of  complete  dissolution;  that  if  they, 
the  guards,  would  become  guilty,  they  would  be  more 
guilty  than  any  of  the  other  corps,  because  they  had  no 
excuse  to  complain  of  neglect,  for  what  few  supplies 
had  been  at  the  disposal  of  the  army,  their  wants  had 
always  been  considered  ahead  of  the  rest  of  the  army, 
that  he  could  resort  to  punishments,  could  have  shot 
the  first  of  the  old  grenadiers  who  would  leave  the 
ranks,  but  that  he  preferred  to  rely  on  their  virtue  as 
warriors  to  assure  their  devotedness.  The  grenadiers 
expressed  their  assent  and  gave  promises  of  good  con- 
duct. All  surviving  old  grenadiers  remained  in  the 
ranks,  not  one  of  them  had  disbanded.  Of  the  6 
thousand  who  had  crossed  the  Niemen,  about  3,500 
survived,  the  others  had  succumbed  to  fatigue  or  frost, 
very  few  had  fallen  in  battle. 

The  disbanded  soldiers  of  the  rest  of  the  army, 
having  in  view  another  long  march,  with  great  suf- 
ferings to  endure,  were  not  disposed  to  change  their 
ways.  They  now  needed  a  long  rest,  safety,  and 
abundance,  to  make  them  recognize  military  discipline 
again.  The  order  to  distribute  rations  among  those 
who  had  rallied  around  the  flag  could  not  be  kept  up 
for  more  than  a  few  hours.  The  magazines  were 
pillaged,  as  they  had  been  pillaged  at  Smolensk.    The 

108 


forty-eight  hours'  stay  at  Orscha  was  utilized  for  rest 
and  to  nourish  a  few  men  and  the  horses. 

In  these  days  Napoleon  was  as  indefatigable  as  he 
ever  had  been  as  young  Bonaparte.  His  proclamation 
of  the  19th.  did  not  remain  quite  unheeded  even 
among  the  disbanded,  but,  on  the  march  again,  the 
nearer  they  came  to  the  Beresina  the  more  pronounced 
became  the  lack  of  discipline.  In  the  following 
description  I  avail  myself  of  the  classical  work  of 
Thiers'  "  Histoire  du  Consulat  et  de  rEmpire." 

The  only  bridge  over  the  Beresina,  at  Borisow,  had 
been  burned  by  the  Russians.  It  was  as  by  miracle 
that  General  Corbineau  met  a  Polish  peasant  who 
indicated  a  place — near  the  village  Studianka — where 
the  Beresina  could  be  forded  by  horses.  Napoleon, 
informed  of  this  fact  on  November  28th.,  at  once 
ordered  General  Eble  to  construct  the  bridge  and  on 
November  25th.,  at  1  o'clock  in  the  morning,  he  issued 
orders  to  Oudinot  to  have  his  corps  ready  for  crossing 
the  river.  The  moment  had  arrived  when  the  great 
engineer,  the  venerable  General  Eble,  was  to  crown  his 
career  by  an  immortal  service. 

He  had  saved  six  cases  containing  tools,  nails, 
clamps,  and  all  kinds  of  iron  pieces  needed  for  the 
construction  of  trestle  bridges.  In  his  profound  fore- 
sight he  had  also  taken  along  two  wagon-loads  of 
charcoal,  and  he  had  under  his  command  400  ex- 
cellent pontooneers  upon  whom  he  could  reply 
absolutely. 

General  Eble  has  been  described  as  the  model  of  an 
officer,  on  account  of  his  imposing  figure  and  his 
character. 

Eble  and  Larrey  were  the  two  men  whom  the  whole 
army  never  ceased  to  respect  and  to  obey,  even  when 

109 


they  demanded  things  which  were  almost  impossible. 
General  Eble  then  with  his  400  men  departed  in  the 
evening  of  November  24th.  for  Borisow,  followed  by 
the  clever  General  Chasseloup  who  had  some  sappers 
with  him,  but  without  their  tools.  General  Chasseloup 
was  a  worthy  associate  of  the  illustrious  chief  of  the 
pontooneers.  They  marched  all  night,  arriving  at 
Borisow  on  the  25th.,  at  5  o'clock  in  the  morning. 
There  they  left  some  soldiers  in  order  to  deceive  the 
Russians  by  making  them  believe  that  the  bridge  was 
to  be  constructed  below  Borisow.  Eble  with  his  pon- 
tooneers, however,  marched  through  swamps  and 
woods  along  the  river  as  far  as  Studianka,  arriving 
there  during  the  afternoon  of  the  25th.  Napoleon  in 
his  impatience  wanted  the  bridges  finished  on  that  day, 
an  absolute  impossibility;  it  could  not  be  done  until 
the  26th.,  by  working  all  night,  and  not  to  rest  until 
this  was  accomplished  was  the  firm  resolution  of  these 
men  who  by  that  time  had  marched  two  days  and  two 
nights.  General  Eble  spoke  to  his  pontooneers,  tell- 
ing them  that  the  fate  of  the  army  was  in  their  hands. 
He  inspired  them  with  noble  sentiments  and  received 
the  promise  of  the  most  absolute  devotedness.  They 
had  to  work  in  the  bitter  cold  weather — severe  frost 
having  suddenly  set  in — all  night  and  during  the  next 
day,  in  the  water,  in  the  midst  of  floating  ice,  probably 
under  fire  of  the  enemy,  without  rest,  almost  without 
time  to  swallow  some  boiled  meat;  they  had  not  even 
bread  or  salt  or  brandy.  This  was  the  price  at  which 
the  army  could  be  saved.  Each  and  every  one  of  the 
pontooneers  pledged  himself  to  their  general,  and  we 
shall  see  how  they  kept  their  word. 

Not  having  time  to  fell  trees  and  to  cut  them  into 
planks,  they  demolished  the  houses  of  the  unfortunate 

110 


village  Studianka  and  took  all  the  wood  which  could 
serve  for  the  construction  of  bridges ;  they  forged  the 
iron  needed  to  fasten  the  planks  and  in  this  way  they 
made  the  trestles.  At  daybreak  of  the  26th.  they  plunged 
these  trestles  into  the  Beresina.  Napoleon,  together 
with  some  of  his  generals,  Murat,  Berthier,  Eugene, 
Caulaincourt,  Duroc,  and  others,  had  hastened  to 
Studianka  on  this  morning  to  witness  the  progress  of 
Eble's  work.  Their  faces  expressed  the  greatest 
anxiety,  for  at  this  moment  the  question  was  whether 
or  not  the  master  of  the  world  would  be  taken  prisoner 
by  the  Russians.  He  watched  the  men  working,  exerting 
all  their  might  in  strength  and  intelligence.  But  it  was 
by  no  means  sufficient  to  plunge  bravely  into  the  icy 
water  and  to  fasten  the  trestles,  the  almost  superhuman 
work  had  to  be  accomplished  in  spite  of  the  enemy 
whose  outposts  were  visible  on  the  other  side  of  the 
river.  Were  there  merely  some  Cossacks,  or  was  there 
a  whole  army  corps  ?  This  was  an  important  question 
to  solve.  One  of  the  officers,  Jacqueminot,  who  was 
as  brave  as  he  was  intelligent,  rode  into  the  water, 
traversed  the  Beresina,  the  horse  swimming  part  of 
the  way,  and  reached  the  other  shore.  On  account  of 
the  ice  the  landing  was  very  difficult.  In  a  little  wood 
he  found  some  Cossacks,  but  altogether  only  very  few 
enemies  could  be  seen.  Jacqueminot  then  turned  back 
to  bring  the  good  news  to  the  emperor.  As  it  was  of 
the  greatest  importance  to  secure  a  prisoner  to  obtain 
exact  information  about  what  was  to  be  feared  or  to 
be  hoped,  the  brave  Jacqueminot  once  more  crossed 
the  Beresina,  this  time  accompanied  by  some  deter- 
mined cavalry  men.  They  overpowered  a  Russian 
outpost,  the  men  sitting  around  a  fire,  took  a  corporal 
with  them,  and  brought  this  prisoner  before  Napoleon 

111 


who  learned  to  his  great  satisfaction  that  Tchitchakoff 
with  his  main  force  was  before  Borisow  to  prevent 
the  passage  of  the  French,  and  that  at  Studianka  there 
was  only  a  small  detachment  of  light  troops. 

It  was  necessary  to  take  advantage  of  these  fortunate 
circumstances.  But  the  bridges  were  not  ready.  The 
brave  General  Corbineau  with  his  cavalry  brigade 
crossed  the  river  under  the  above-described  difficulties, 
and  established  himself  in  the  woods.  Napoleon 
mounted  a  battery  of  40  cannons  on  the  left  shore,  and 
now  the  French  could  flatter  themselves  to  be  masters 
of  the  right  shore  while  the  bridges  were  made,  and 
that  their  whole  army  would  be  able  to  cross. 
Napoleon's  star  seemed  to  brighten  again,  the  officers 
grouped  around  him,  saluting  with  expressions  of  joy, 
such  as  they  had  not  shown  for  a  long  time. 

All  was  now  depending  on  the  completion  of  the 
bridges,  for  there  were  two  to  be  constructed,  each 
600  feet  in  length;  one  on  the  left  for  wagons,  the 
other,  on  the  right,  for  infantry  and  cavalry.  A  hun- 
dred pontooneers  had  gone  into  the  water  and  with 
the  aid  of  little  floats  built  for  this  purpose,  had  com- 
menced the  fixation  of  the  trestles.  The  water  was 
freezing  and  formed  ice  crusts  around  their  shoulders, 
arms,  and  legs,  ice  crusts  which  adhered  to  the  flesh 
and  caused  great  pain.  They  suffered  without  com- 
plaining, without  appearing  to  be  affected,  so  great 
was  their  ardor.  The  river  at  that  point  was  300  feet 
wide  and  with  23  trestles  for  each  bridge  the  two 
shores  could  be  united.  In  order  to  transport  first  the 
troops,  all  efforts  were  concentrated  on  the  construc- 
tion of  the  bridge  to  the  right — that  is,  the  one  for 
infantry  and  cavalry — and  at  1  o'clock  in  the  afternoon 

it  was  ready. 

112 


About  9  thousand  men  of  the  corps  of  Marshal 
Oudinot  passed  over  the  first  bridge  and  under  great 
precautions  took  two  cannons  along.  Arrived  on  the 
other  side,  Oudinot  faced  some  troops  of  infantry 
which  General  Tschaplitz,  the  commander  of  the 
advance  guard  of  TchitchakofT,  had  brought  there. 
The  engagement  was  very  lively  but  of  short  duration. 
The  French  killed  200  men  of  the  enemy  and  were  able 
to  establish  themselves  in  a  good  position,  from  where 
they  could  cover  the  passage.  Time  was  given  now 
for  the  passage  of  enough  troops  to  meet  TchitchakofT, 
during  the  rest  of  the  day,  the  26th.  and  the  succeeding 
night.  Concerning  many  details  I  have  to  refer  to 
Thiers'  description. 

At  4  o'clock  in  the  afternoon  the  second  bridge  was 
completed.  Napoleon,  on  the  Studianka  side,  yet 
supervised  everything ;  he  wanted  to  remain  among  the 
last  to  cross  the  bridge.  General  Eble,  without  himself 
taking  a  moment  of  rest,  had  one-half  the  number  of 
his  pontooneers  rest  on  straw  while  the  other  half  took 
up  the  painful  task  of  guarding  the  bridges,  of  doing 
police  duty,  and  of  making  repairs  in  case  of  accidents, 
until  they  were  relieved  by  the  others.  On  this  day 
the  infantry  guards  and  what  remained  of  cavalry 
guards  marched  over  the  bridge,  followed  by  the 
artillery  train. 

Unfortunately,  the  left  bridge,  intended  for  vehicles, 
shook  too  much  under  the  enormous  weight  of  wagons 
following  one  another  without  interruption.  Pressed 
as  they  were,  the  pontooneers  had  not  had  time  to 
shape  the  timber  forming  the  path,  they  had  to  use 
wood  as  they  found  it,  and  in  order  to  deaden  the 
rumbling  of  the  wagons  they  had  put  moss,  hemp, 
straw— -in    fact,    everything    they    could    gather    in 

113 


Studianka — into  the  crevices.  But  the  horses  removed 
this  kind  of  litter  with  their  feet,  rendering  the  surface 
of  the  path  very  rough,  so  that  it  had  formed  undula- 
tions, and  at  8  o'clock  in  the  evening  three  trestles  gave 
way  and  fell,  together  with  the  wagons  which  they 
carried,  into  the  Beresina.  The  heroic  pontooneers 
went  to  work  again,  going  into  the  water  which  was  so 
cold  that  ice  immediately  formed  anew  where  it  had 
been  broken.  With  their  axes  they  had  to  cut  holes 
into  the  ice  to  place  new  trestles  six,  seven  and  even 
eight  feet  deep  into  the  river  were  the  bridge  had  given 
way.    At  ii  o'clock  the  bridge  was  secure  again. 

General  Eble,  who  had  always  one  relief  at  work 
while  the  other  was  asleep,  took  no  rest  himself.  He 
had  extra  trestles  made  in  case  of  another  accident. 
At  2  o'clock  in  the  morning  three  trestles  of  the  left 
bridge,  that  is  the  one  for  the  vehicles,  gave  way,  un- 
fortunately in  the  middle  of  the  current,  where  the 
water  had  a  depth  of  seven  or  eight  feet.  This  time 
the  pontooneers  had  to  accomplish  their  difficult  task 
in  the  darkness.  The  men,  shaking  from  cold  and 
starving,  could  not  work  any  more.  The  venerable 
General  Eble,  who  was  not  young  as  they  were  and  had 
not  taken  rest  as  they  had,  suffered  more  than  they  did, 
but  he  had  the  moral  superiority  and  spoke  to  them, 
appealing  to  their  devotedness,  told  them  of  the  certain 
disaster  which  would  annihilate  the  whole  army  if  they 
did  not  repair  the  bridges ;  and  his  address  made  a  deep 
impression.  With  supreme  self-denial  they  went  to 
work  again.  General  Lauriston,  who  had  been  sent  by 
the  emperor  to  learn  the  cause  of  the  new  accident, 
pressed  Eble's  hand  and,  shedding  tears,  said  to  him: 
For  God's  sake,  hasten !  Without  showing  impatience, 
Eble,  who  generally  had  the  roughness  of  a  strong  and 

114 


proud  soul,  answered  with  kindness:  You  see  what 
we  are  doing,  and  he  turned  to  his  men  to  encourage, 
to  direct  them,  and  notwithstanding  his  age — he  was 
54  years  old — he  plunged  into  that  icy  water,  which 
those  young  men  were  hardy  able  to  endure  (and  this 
fact  is  stated  by  all  the  historians  whose  works  I  have 
read).  At  6  o'clock  in  the  morning  (November  27th.) 
this  second  accident  had  been  repaired,  the  artillery 
train  could  pass  again. 

The  bridge  to  the  right — for  infantry — did  not  have 
to  endure  the  same  kind  of  shaking  up  as  the  other 
bridge,  and  did  not  for  one  moment  get  out  of  order. 
If  the  stragglers  and  fugitives  had  obeyed  all  could 
have  crossed  during  the  night  from  November  26th. 
to  November  27th.  But  the  attraction  of  some  barns, 
some  straw  to  lie  on,  some  eatables  found  at  Studianka, 
had  retained  a  good  many  on  this  side  of  the  river. 
The  swamps  surrounding  the  Beresina  were  frozen, 
which  was  a  great  advantage,  enabling  the  people  to 
walk  over  them.  On  these  frozen  swamps  had  been 
lighted  thousands  of  fires,  and  10  thousand  or  15 
thousand  individuals  had  established  themselves 
around  them  and  did  not  want  to  leave.  Soon  they 
should  bitterly  regret  the  loss  of  a  precious  oppor- 
tunity. 

In  the  morning,  on  November  27th.,  Napoleon 
crossed  the  Beresina,  together  with  all  who  were  at- 
tached to  his  headquarters,  and  selected  for  his  new 
headquarters  the  little  village  Zawnicky,  on  the  other 
side  of  the  Beresina.  In  front  of  him  was  the  corps 
of  Oudinot.  All  day  long  he  was  on  horseback  per- 
sonally to  hasten  the  passage  of  detachments  of  the 
army,  somewhat  over  5  thousand  men  under  arms. 
Toward  the  end  of  the  day  the  first  corps  arrived, 

115 


under  Davout,  who  since  Krasnoe  had  again  com- 
manded the  rear  guard.  This  was  the  only  corps 
which  still  had  some  military  appearance. 

The  day  of  November  27th.  was  occupied  to  cross 
the  Beresina  and  to  prepare  for  a  desperate  resistance, 
for  the  Russians  could  no  longer  be  deceived  as  to  the 
location  of  the  bridges.  At  2  o'clock  in  the  afternoon  a 
third  accident  happened,  again  on  the  bridge  to  the 
left.  It  was  soon  repaired,  but  the  vehicles  arrived  in 
great  numbers,  and  all  were  pressing  forward  in  such 
a  way  that  the  gendarmes  had  extraordinary  difficulties 
to  enforce  some  order. 

The  9th.  corps,  that  of  Marshal  Victor,  had  taken 
a  position  between  Borisow  and  Studianka,  in  order  to 
protect  the  army  at  the  latter  place.  It  had  been 
foreseen  that  the  crossing  would  be  little  interfered 
with  during  the  first  two  days,  the  26th.  and  27th., 
because  Tchitchakoff  was  as  yet  ignorant  of  the  real 
points  elected  for  the  bridges,  expecting  to  find  the 
French  army  below  Borisow  on  the  other  side  of  the 
Beresina.  Wittgenstein  and  Kutusoff  had  not  yet  had 
time  to  unite  and  did  not  sufficiently  press  the  French. 

Napoleon  had  good  reasons  to  expect  that  the  28th. 
would  be  the  decisive  day.  He  was  resolved  to  save 
the  army  or  to  perish  with  it.  Taking  the  greatest 
pains  to  deceive  Tchitchakoff  as  long  as  possible  he 
ordered  Marchal  Victor  to  leave  the  division  Par- 
touneaux,  which  had  been  reduced  by  marches  and 
fights  from  12  thousand  to  4  thousand  combatants,  at 
Borisow.  Victor  with  9  thousand  men  and  700  to  800 
horses  was  to  cover  Studianka. 

These  9  thousand  were  the  survivors  of  24  thousand 
with  whom  Victor  had  left  Smolensk  to  join  Oudinot 
on   the    Oula.     During   one   month's   marching   and 

116 


in  various  engagements  10  thousand  to  n  thousand 
had  been  lost.  The  bearing,  however,  of  those  who 
survived  was  excellent,  and  seeing  what  was  left  of 
the  grand  army,  the  glory  of  which  had,  not  long  ago, 
been  the  object  of  their  jealousy,  in  its  present  con- 
dition, they  were  stricken  with  pity  and  asked  their 
oppressed  comrades  who  had  almost  lost  their  pride 
as  a  result  of  the  misery,  what  calamity  could  have 
'befallen  them?  You  will  soon  be  the  same  as  we  are, 
sadly  answered  the  victors  of  Smolensk  and  Borodino. 

The  hour  of  the  supreme  crisis  had  come.  The 
enemy,  having  now  learned  the  truth,  came  to  attack 
the  French  when  many  of  them  had  not  yet  crossed 
the  Beresina  and  were  divided  between  the  two  sides 
of  the  river.  Wittgenstein,  who  with  3  thousand  men 
had  followed  the  corps  of  Victor,  was  behind  the  latter 
between  Borisow  and  Studianka,  and  ready  with  all 
his  might  to  throw  Victor  into  the  Beresina.  Alto- 
gether, including  the  forces  of  TchitchakofT,  there 
were  about  72  thousand  Russians,  without  counting 
30  thousand  men  of  KutusofT  in  the  rear,  ready  to 
fall  on  Victor's  12  thousand  to  13  thousand  and 
Oudinot's  7  thousand  or  8  thousand  of  the  guards; 
28  thousand  to  30  thousand  French  were7  divided 
between  the  two  shores  of  the  Beresina  hampered  by 
40  thousand  stragglers,  to  fight,  during  the  difficult 
operation  of  crossing  the  Beresina,  with  72  thousand 
partly  in  front,  partly  in  the  rear. 

This  terrible  struggle  began  in  the  evening  of  the 
27th.  The  unfortunate  French  division  of  Partou- 
neaux,  the  best  of  the  three  of  Victor's  corps,  had 
received  orders  from  Napoleon  to  remain  before 
Borisow  during  the  27th.,  in  order  to  deceive,  as  long 
as  possible,  and  to  detain  TchitchakofT.    In  this  posi- 

117 


tion  Partouneaux  was  separated  from  his  corps  which, 
as  we  have  seen,  was  concentrated  around  Studianka, 
by  three  miles  of  wood  and  swamps.  As  could  be  easily 
foreseen,  Partouneaux  was  cut  off  by  the  arrival  of 
the  troops  of  Platow,  Miloradovitch,  and  Yermaloff, 
who  had  followed  the  French  on  the  road  from 
Orscha  to  Borisow.  In  the  evening  of  the  27th. 
Partouneaux  recognized  his  desperate  position.  With 
the  immense  dangers  threatening  him  were  combined 
the  hideous  embarrassment  of  several  thousand 
stragglers  who,  believing  in  the  passage  below 
Borisow,  had  massed  at  that  point,  with  their  baggage, 
awaiting  the  construction  of  the  bridge.  The  better  to 
deceive  the  enemy  they  had  been  left  in  their  error,  and 
now  they  were  destined  to  be  sacrificed,  together  with 
the  division  of  Partouneaux,  on  account  of  the 
terrible  necessity  to  deceive  Tchitchakoff. 

When  the  bullets  came  from  all  sides,  the  confusion 
soon  reached  the  climax;  the  three  little  brigades  of 
Partouneaux  forming  for  defence  found  themselves 
entangled  with  several  thousand  stragglers  and 
fugitives  who  clamorously  threw  themselves  into  their 
ranks ;  the  women  of  the  mass,  with  baggage,  especially 
with  their  frightful,  piercing  cries,  characterized  this 
scene  of  desolation.  General  Partouneaux  decided 
to  extricate  himself,  to  open  a  way  or  to  perish.  He 
was  with  a  thousand  men  against  40  thousand.  Several 
challenges  to  surrender  he  refused,  and  kept  on  fight- 
ing. The  enemy,  likewise  exhausted,  suspended  firing 
toward  midnight,  being  certain  to  take  the  last  of  this 
handful  of  braves  who  resisted  so  heroically  in  the 
morning.  With  daybreak  the  Russian  generals  again 
challenged  General  Partouneaux,  who  was  standing 
upright  in  the  snow  with  the  400  or  500  of  his  brigade, 

118 


remonstrating  with  him,  and  he,  with  desperation  in 
his  soul,  surrendered.  The  other  two  brigades  of  his 
division  that  had  been  separated  from  him  also  laid 
down  their  arms.  The  Russians  took  about  2  thousand 
prisoners,  that  is,  the  survivors  of  Partouneaux's 
division  of  4  thousand,  only  one  battalion  of  300  men 
had  succeeded,  during  the  darkness  of  the  night,  in 
making  its  escape  and  reaching  Studianka. 

The  army  at  Studianka  had  heard,  during  this  cruel 
night,  the  sound  of  the  cannonade  and  fusillade  from 
the  direction  of  Borisow.  Napoleon  and  Victor  were 
in  great  anxiety;  the  latter  thought  that  the  measure 
taken,  i.  e.,  the  sacrifice  of  his  best  division,  of  4 
thousand  men  who  would  have  been  of  great  value, 
had  been  unjustifiable,  because  after  the  crossing  had 
begun  on  the  26th.  it  was  no  longer  possible  to  deceive 
the  enemy. 

The  night  was  passed  in  cruel  suspense,  but  being 
the  prey  of  sorrows  of  so  many  kinds  the  French 
could  hardly  pay  due  attention  to  the  many  new  ones 
which  presented  themselves  at  every  moment.  The 
silence  which  reigned  on  the  morning  of  the  28th. 
indicated  the  catastrophe  of  the  division  Partouneaux. 

The  firing  now  began  on  the  two  sides  of  the 
Beresina,  on  the  right  shore  against  the  troops  that 
had  crossed,  on  the  left  against  those  covering  the 
passage  of  the  rear  of  the  army.  From  this  moment 
on  nothing  was  thought  of  but  fight.  The  cannonade 
and  fusillade  soon  became  extremely  violent,  and 
Napoleon,  on  horseback,  incessantly  riding  from  one 
point  to  another,  assumed  that  Oudinot  resisted 
Tchitchakoff  while  Eble  continued  to  care  for  the 
bridges,  and  that  Victor,  who  was  fighting  Wittgen- 
stein,   was    not   thrown    into    the    icy    floods    of   the 

119 


Beresina  together  with  the  masses  which  had  not  yet 
crossed. 

Although  the  firing  was  terrible  on  all  sides  and 
thousands  were  killed  on  this  lugubrious  field;  the 
French  resisted  on  both  banks  of  the  river. 

For  the  description  of  this  battle  I  desire  to  refer 
to  Thiers'  great  work.  Taking  all  circumstances  into 
consideration,  it  did  the  greatest  honor  to  Napoleon's 
guns,  to  the  valor  of  his  generals  and  of  his  soldiers. 

The  confusion  was  frightful  among  the  masses  that 
had  neglected  to  cross  in  time,  and  those  who  had 
arrived  too  late  for  the  opportunity.  Many,  ignoring 
that  the  first  bridge  was  reserved  for  pedestrians  and 
horsemen,  the  second  for  wagons,  crowded  with 
delirious  impatience  upon  the  second  bridge.  The 
pontooneers  on  guard  at  the  entrance  of  the  brdige  to 
the  right  were  ordering  the  vehicles  to  the  one  on  the 
left,  which  was  600  feet  farther  down.  This  precau- 
tion was  an  absolute  necessity,  because  the  bridge  to 
the  right  could  not  endure  the  weight  of  the  wagons. 
Those  who  were  directed  by  the  pontooneers  to  go  to 
the  other  bridge  had  the  greatest  difficulty  to  pass 
through  the  compact  masses  pressing  and  pushing  to 
enter  the  structure.  A  terrible  struggle!  Opposing 
currents  of  people  paralyzed  all  progress.  The  bullets 
of  the  enemy,  striking  into  this  dense  crowd,  produced 
fearful  furrows  and  cries  of  terror  from  the  fugitives ; 
women  with  children,  many  on  wagons,  added  to  the 
horror.  All  pressed,  all  pushed;  the  stronger  ones 
trampled  on  those  who  had  lost  their  foothold,  and 
killed  many  of  the  latter.  Men  on  horseback  were 
crushed,  together  with  their  horses,  many  of  the  ani- 
mals becoming  unmanageable,  shot  forward,  kicked, 
reared,  turned  into  the  crowd  and  gained  a  little  space 

120 


by  throwing  people  down  into  the  river;  but  soon 
the  space  filled  up  again,  and  the  mass  of  people  was 
as  dense  as  before. 

This  pressing  forward  and  backward,  the  cries,  the 
bullets  striking  into  the  helpless  crowd,  presented  an 
atrocious  scene — the  climax  of  that  forever  odious 
and  senseless  expedition  of  Napoleon. 

The  excellent  General  Eble,  whose  heart  broke  at 
this  spectacle,  tried  in  vain  to  establish  a  little  order. 
Placing  himself  at  the  head  of  the  bridge  he  addressed 
the  multitude;  but  it  was  only  by  means  of  the 
bayonet  that  at  last  some  improvement  was  brought 
about,  and  some  women,  children,  and  wounded  were 
saved.  Some  historians  have  stated  that  the  French 
themselves  fired  cannon  shots  into  the  crowd,  but  this 
is  not  mentioned  by  Thiers.  This  panic  was  the  cause 
that  more  than  half  the  number  of  those  perished  who 
otherwise  could  have  crossed.  Many  threw  themselves, 
or  were  pushed,  into  the  water  and  drowned.  And 
this  terrible  conflict  among  the  masses  having  lasted 
all  day,  far  from  diminishing,  it  became  more  horrible 
with  the  progress  of  the  battle  between  Victor  and 
Wittgenstein.  The  description  of  this  battle  I  omit, 
referring  again  to  Thiers,  confining  myself  to  give 
some  figures.  Of  700  to  800  men  of  General 
Fournier's  cavalry  hardly  300  survived;  of  Marshal 
Victor's  infantry,  hardy  5  thousand.  Of  all  these 
brave  men,  mostly  Dutchmen,  Germans,  and  Polanders, 
who  had  been  sacrified  there  was  quite  a  number  of 
wounded  who  might  have  been  saved,  but  who  had 
perished  for  want  of  all  means  of  transportation.  The 
Russians  lost  10  thousand  to  11  thousand. 

This  double  battle  on  the  two  shores  of  the 
Beresina  is  one  of  the  most  glorious  in  the  history  of 

121 


France;  28  thousand  against  72  thousand  Russians. 
These  28  thousand  could  have  been  taken  or 
annihilated  to  the  last  man,  and  it  was  almost  a  miracle 
that  even  a  part  of  the  army  escaped  this  disaster. 

With  nightfall  some  calm  came  over  this  place  of 
carnage  and  confusion. 

On  the  next  morning  Napoleon  had  to  recommence, 
this  time  not  to  retreat,  but  to  flee;  he  had  to  wrest 
from  the  enemy  the  5  thousand  men  of  Marshal  Vic- 
tor's corps,  Victor's  artillery  and  as  many  as  possible 
of  those  unfortunates  who  had  not  employed  the  two 
days  by  crossing.  Napoleon  ordered  Marshal  Victor 
to  cross  during  the  night  with  his  corps  and  with  all 
his  artillery,  and  to  take  with  him  as  many  as  possible 
of  the  disbanded  and  of  the  refugees  who  were  still 
on  that  other  side  of  the  river. 

Here  we  now  learn  of  a  singular  flux  and  reflux  of 
the  frightened  masses.  While  the  cannon  had  roared, 
every  one  wanted  to  cross  but  could  not,  now  when 
with  nightfall  the  firing  had  ceased  they  did  not 
think  any  more  of  the  danger  of  hesitation,  not  of  the 
cruel  lesson  which  they  had  learned  during  the  day. 
They  only  wanted  to  keep  away  from  the  scene  of 
horror  which  the  crossing  of  the  bridge  had  presented. 
It  was  a  great  task  to  force  these  unfortunates  to  cross 
the  bridges  before  they  were  set  on  fire,  a  measure 
which  was  an  absolute  necessity  and  which  was  to  be 
executed  on  the  next  morning. 

The  first  work  for  Eble's  pontooneers  was  now  to 
clear  the  avenues  of  the  bridges  from  the  mass  of  the 
dead,  men  and  horses,  of  demolished  wagons,  and  of 
all  sorts  of  impediments.  This  task  could  be  accom- 
plished only  in  part;  the  mass  of  cadavers  was  too 
great  for  the  time  given  for  the  removal  of  all  of  them, 

122 


and  those  who  crossed  had  to  walk  over  flesh  and 
blood. 

In  the  night,  from  9  o'clock  to  midnight,  Marshal 
Victor  crossed  the  Beresina,  thereby  exposing  himself 
to  the  enemy,  who,  however,  was  too  tired  to  think  of 
fighting.  He  brought  his  artillery  over  the  left  bridge, 
his  infantry  over  the  right  one,  and  with  the  exception 
of  the  wounded  and  two  pieces  of  artillery,  all  his  men 
and  all  his  material  safely  reached  the  other  side.  The 
crossing  accomplished,  he  erected  a  battery  to  hold 
the  Russians  in  check  and  to  prevent  them  from  cross- 
ing the  bridges. 

There  remained  several  thousand  stragglers  and 
fugitives  on  this  side  of  the  Beresina  who  could  have 
crossed  during  the  night  but  had  refused  to  do  so. 
Napoleon  had  given  orders  to  destroy  the  bridges  at 
daybreak  and  had  sent  word  to  General  Eble  and 
Marshal  Victor  to  employ  all  means  in  order  to  hasten 
the  passage  of  those  unfortunates.  General  Eble,  ac- 
companied by  some  officers,  himself  went  to  their 
bivouacs  and  implored  them  to  flee,  emphasizing  that 
he  was  going  to  destroy  the  bridges.  But  it  was  in 
vain;  lying  comfortably  on  straw  or  branches  around 
great  fires,  devouring  horse  meat,  they  were  afraid  of 
the  crowding  on  the  bridge  during  the  night,  they 
hesitated  to  give  up  a  sure  bivouac  for  an  uncertain 
one,  they  feared  that  the  frost,  which  was  very 
severe,  would  kill  them  in  their  enfeebled  condition. 

Napoleon's  orders  to  General  Eble  was  to  destroy 
the  bridges  at  7  o'clock  in  the  morning  of  November 
29th.,  but  this  noble  man,  as  humane  as  he  was  brave, 
hesitated.  He  had  been  awake  that  night,  the  sixth 
of  these  vigils  in  succession,  incessantly  trying  to  ac- 
celerate  the  passing  of  the  bridge;   with   daybreak, 

123 


however,  there  was  no  need  any  more  to  stimulate  the 
unfortunates,  they  all  were  only  too  anxious  now. 
They  all  ran  when  the  enemy  became  visible  on  the 
heights. 

Eble  had  waited  till  8  o'clock  when  the  order  for  the 
destruction  of  the  bridges  was  repeated  to  him,  and 
in  sight  of  the  approaching  enemy  it  was  his  duty  not 
to  lose  one  moment.  However,  trusting  to  the  artillery 
of  Victor,  he  still  tried  to  save  some  people.  His  soul 
suffered  cruelly  during  this  time  of  hesitation  to 
execute  an  order  the  necessity  of  which  he  knew  only 
too  well.  Finally,  having  waited  until  almost  9  o'clock 
when  the  enemy  approached  on  the  double  quick,  he 
decided  with  broken  heart,  turning  his  eyes  away  from 
the  frightful  scene,  to  set  fire  to  the  structures.  Those 
unfortunates  who  were  on  the  bridges  threw  them- 
selves into  the  water,  every  one  made  a  supreme  effort 
to  escape  the  Cossacks  or  captivity,  which  latter  they 
feared  more  than  death. 

The  Cossacks  came  up  galloping,  thrusting  their 
lances  into  the  midst  of  the  crowd;  they  killed  some, 
gathered  the  others,  and  drove  them  forward,  like  a 
herd  of  sheep,  toward  the  Russian  army.  It  is  not 
exactly  known  if  there  were  6  thousand,  7  thousand  or 
8  thousand  individuals,  men,  women,  and  children, 
who  were  taken  by  the  Cossacks. 

The  army  was  profoundly  affected  by  this 
spectacle  and  nobody  more  so  than  General  Eble  who, 
in  devoting  himself  to  the  salvation  of  all,  could  well 
say  that  he  was  the  savior  of  all  who  had  not  perished 
or  been  taken  prisoner  in  the  days  of  the  Beresina. 
Of  the  50  thousand,  armed  or  unarmed,  who  had 
crossed  there  was  not  a  single  one  who  did  not  owe  his 
life  and  liberty  to  him  and  his  pontooneers.    But  the 

124 


400  pontooneers  who  had  worked  in  the  water,  paid 
with  their  lives  for  this  noblest  deed  in  the  history  of 
wars ;  they  all  died  within  a  short  time.  General  Eble 
survived  his  act  of  bravery  only  three  weeks ;  he  died 
in  Koenigsberg  on  the  21st.  day  of  December,  181 2. 

This  is  an  incomplete  sketch  of  the  immortal  event 
of  the  Beresina,  full  of  psychological  interest  and 
therefore  fit  to  be  inserted  in  the  medical  history  of 
Napoleon's  campaign  in  Russia. 

To  a  miraculous  accident,  the  arrival  of  Corbineau, 
the  noble  devotedness  of  Eble,  the  desperate  resistance 
of  Victor  and  his  soldiers,  to  the  energy  of  Oudinot, 
Ney,  Legrand,  Maison,  Zayonchek,  Doumerc,  and, 
finally,  to  his  own  sure  and  profound  decision, 
his  recognition  of  the  true  steps  to  be  taken,  Napoleon 
owed  the  possibility  that  he  could  escape  after  a 
bloody  scene,  the  most  humiliating,  the  most  crushing 
disaster. 


125 


TWO  EPISODES 

Surgeon  Huber  of  the  Wuerttembergians,  writes  to 
his  friend,  Surgeon  Henri  de  Roos,  who  settled  in 
Russia  after  the  campaign  of  1812,  how  he  crossed 
the  Beresina,  and  in  this  connection  he  describes  the 
following  dreadful  episode: 

"A  young  woman  of  twenty-five,  the  wife  of  a 
French  colonel  killed  a  few  days  before  in  one  of  the 
engagements,  was  near  me,  within  a  short  distance 
of  the  bridge  we  were  to  cross.  Oblivious  of  all 
that  went  on  about  her,  she  seemed  wholly  en- 
grossed in  her  daughter,  a  beautiful  child  of  four; 
that  she  held  in  the  saddle  before  her.  She  made 
several  unsuccessful  attempts  to  cross  the  bridge  and 
was  driven  back  every  time,  at  which  she  seemed 
overwhelmed  with  blank  despair.  She  did  not  weep; 
she  would  gaze  heavenward,  then  fix  her  eyes  upon 
her  daughter,  and  once  I  heard  her  say :  '  O  God,  how 
wretched  I  am,  I  cannot  even  pray!'  Almost  at  the 
same  moment  a  bullet  struck  her  horse  and  another 
one  penetrated  her  left  thigh  above  the  knee.  With 
the  deliberation  of  mute  despair  she  took  up  the  child 
that  was  crying,  kissed  it  again  and  again ;  then,  using 
the  blood-stained  garter  removed  from  her  fractured 
limb,  she  strangled  the  poor  little  thing  and  sat  down 
with  it,  wrapped  in  her  arms  and  hugged  close  to  her 
bosom,  beside  her  fallen  horse.  Thus  she  awaited 
her  end,  without  uttering  a  single  word,  and  before 

126 


long  she  was  trampled  down  by  the  riders  making 
for  the  bridge.,, 

The  great  surgeon  Larrey  tells  how  he  nearly  per- 
ished at  the  crossing  of  the  Beresina,  how  he  went 
over  the  bridge  twice  to  save  his  equipment  and  sur- 
gical instruments,  and  how  he  was  vainly  attempting 
to  break  through  the  crowd  on  the  third  trip,  when, 
at  the  mention  of  his  name,  every  one  proffered  as- 
sistance, and  he  was  carried  along  by  soldier  after 
soldier  to  the  end  of  the  bridge. 

He  has  related  the  incident  in  a  letter  to  his  wife, 
dated  from  Leipzig,  March  nth.,  1813.  "  Ribes," 
says  he — Ribes  was  one  of  Napoleon's  physicians — 
"  was  right  when  he  said  that  in  the  midst  of  the 
army,  and  especially  of  the  Imperial  guard,  I  could 
not  lose  my  life.  Indeed,  I  owe  my  life  to  the  sol- 
diers. Some  of  them  flew  to  my  rescue  when  the 
Cossacks  surrounded  me  and  would  have  killed  or 
taken  me  prisoner.  Others  hastened  to  lift  me  and 
help  me  on  when  I  sank  in  the  snow  from  physical 
exhaustion.  Others,  again,  seeing  me  suffer  from 
hunger,  gave  me  such  provisions  as  they  had;  while 
as  soon  as  I  joined  their  bivouac  they  would  all  make 
room  and  cover  me  with  straw  or  with  their  own 
clothes." 

At  Larrey's  name,  all  the  soldiers  would  rise  and 
cheer  with  a  friendly  respect. 

"  Any  one  else  in  my  place,"  writes  Larrey  further, 
"  would  have  perished  on  the  bridge  of  the  Beresina, 
crossing  it  as  I  was  doing,  for  the  third  time  and  at 
the  most  dangerous  moment.  But  no  sooner  did  they 
recognize  me  than  they  grasped  me  with  a  vigorous 
hold,  and  sent  me  along  from  hand  to  hand,  like  a 
bundle  of  clothes,  to  the  end  of  the  bridge,,, 

127 


WILNA 

The  threatening  barrier  had  been  surmounted,  and 
on  went  the  march  to  Wilna,  without  any  possibility 
of  a  day's  rest,  because  the  miserable  remainder  of  the 
French  army  was  still  followed  by  light  Russian 
troops. 

During  the  first  days  after  the  crossing  of  the 
Beresina  the  supply  of  food  had  improved,  it  was 
better  indeed  than  at  any  time  during  the  retreat. 
They  passed  through  villages  which  had  not  suffered 
from  the  war,  in  which  the  barns  were  well  filled  with 
grain  and  with  feed  for  the  horses,  and  there  lived 
rich  Jews  who  could  sell  whatever  the  soldiers  needed. 
Unfortunately,  however,  this  improved  condition 
lasted  only  a  few  days,  from  November  30th.  to  De- 
cember 4th.,  and  before  Wilna  was  reached  the  want 
was  felt  again  and  made  itself  felt  the  more  on  account 
of  the  most  intense  cold  which  had  set  in. 

During  the  few  good  days  the  soldiers  had  eaten 
roast  pork,  and  all  kinds  of  vegetables,  in  consequence 
their  weakened  digestive  tract  had  been  overtaxed  so 
that  diarrhoea  became  prevalent,  a  most  frightful  con- 
dition during  a  march  on  the  road,  with  a  temperature 
of  25  deg.  below  zero,  Reaumur  (about  25  deg. 
below  zero,  Fahrenheit). 

The  6th.  of  December  was  a  frightful  day,  although 
the  cold  had  not  yet  reached  its  climax  which  happened 

128 


on  the  7th.  and  8th.  of  December,  namely  28  (leg. 
below  zero,  Reaumur  (31  degrees  below  zero,  Fahren- 
heit). 

Holzhausen  gives  a  graphic  description  of  the  sup- 


'  The  Gate  of  Wilna." 


ernatural  silence  which  reigned  and  which  reminded 
of  the  silence  in  the  arctic  regions.  There  was  not  the 
slightest  breeze,  the  snowflakes  fell  vertically,  crystal- 


129 


clear,  the  snow  blinded  the  eyes,  the  sun  appeared  like 
a  red  hot  ball  with  a  halo,  the  sign  of  greatest  cold. 

The  details  of  the  descriptions  which  Holzhausen 
has  collected  from  old  papers  surpass  by  far  all  we 
have  learned  from  von  Scherer's  and  Beaupre's 
writings.  And  all  that  Holzhausen  relates  is  verified 
by  names  of  absolute  reliability;  it  verifies  the 
accounts  of  the  two  authors  named. 

General  von  Roeder,  one  of  the  noblest  of  the  Ger- 
man officers  in  Napoleon's  army — a  facsimile  of  one 
of  his  letters  is  given  in  Holzhausen's  book — says 
about  the  murderous  7th.  of  December :  "  Pilgrims  of 
the  Grand  Army,  who  had  withstood  many  a  severe 
frost  indeed,  dropped  like  flies,  and  of  those  who  were 
well  nourished,  well  clothed — many  of  these  being  of 
the  reserve  corps  having  but  recently  come  from 
Wilna  to  join  the  retreating  army, — countless  num- 
bers fell  exactly  like  the  old  exhausted  warriors  who 
had  dragged  themselves  from  Moscow  to  this  place." 

The  reserve  troops  of  which  Roeder  speaks  were 
the  division  Loison,  the  last  great  body  of  men  that 
had  followed  the  army.  They  had  been  in  Koenigs- 
berg  and  had  marched  from  there  to  Wilna  during  the 
month  of  November,  had  remained  in  the  latter  place 
until  December  4th.,  when  they  were  sent  to  protect 
the  retreating  soldiers  and  the  Emperor  himself,  on 
leaving  the  wreck  of  his  once  grand  army  at  Smorgoni 
on  December  5th. 

These  troops  who  thus  far  had  not  sustained  any 
hardships,  came  directly  from  the  warm  quarters  of 
Wilna  into  the  terrible  cold. 

It  was  quite  frightful,  says  Roeder,  to  see  these  men, 
who  a  moment  before  had  been  talking  quite  lively, 
drop  dead  as  if  struck  by  lightning. 

130 


D.  Geissler,  a  Weimaranian  surgeon,  renders  |a 
similar  report  and  adds  that  in  some  cases  these 
victims  suffered  untold  agonies  before  they  died. 

Lieutenant  Jacobs  states  that  some  said  good  bye  to 
their  comrades  and  laid  down  along  the  road  to  die, 
that  others  acted  like  maniacs,  cursed  their  fate,  fell 
down,  rose  again,  and  fell  down  once  more,  never  to 
rise  again.  Cases  like  the  latter  have  been  described 
also  by  First  Lieutenant  von  Schauroth. 

Under  these  circumstances,  says  Holzhausen,  it 
appears  almost  incomprehensible  that  there  were  men 
who  withstood  a  misery  which  surpassed  all  human 
dimensions.  And  still  there  were  such;  who  by  man- 
fully bearing  these  sufferings,  set  to  others  a  good  ex- 
ample ;  there  were  whole  troops  who,  to  protect  others 
in  pertinacious  rear  guard  fights,  opposed  the  on- 
pressing  enemy. 

Wonderful  examples  of  courage  and  self-denial  gave 
some  women,  the  wife  of  a  Sergeant-Major  Martens, 
who  had  followed  the  army,  and  a  Mrs.  Basler,  who 
was  always  active,  preparing  some  food  while  her 
husband  with  others  was  lying  exhausted  at  the  camp 
fire,  and  who  seldom  spoke,  never  complained.  This 
poor  woman  lost  a  son,  a  drummer  boy,  who  had  been 
wounded  at  Smolensk.  She  as  well  as  her  husband 
perished  in  Wilna. 

Sergeant  Toenges  dragged  a  blind  comrade  along — I 
shall  not  leave  him,  he  said.  Grenadiers,  sitting  around 
a  fire,  had  pity  on  him  and  tried  to  relieve  his  suffer- 
ings. Many  such  examples  are  enumerated  in  Holz- 
hausen's  book. 

Our  highest  admiration  is  due  to  the  conduct  of  the 
brave  troops  of  the  rear  guard  who  fought  the  Rus- 
sians, who  sacrificed  themselves  for  the  sake  of  the 

131 


whole,  and,  like  at  Krasnoe  and  at  the  Beresina,  for 
their  disbanded  comrades. 

The  rearguard  was  at  first  commanded  by  Ney,  then, 
after  the  3rd.  of  December,  by  Marshal  Victor;  after 
the  dissolution  of  Victor's  corps  at  Smorgoni  and  Kra- 
powna,  by  Loison  and,  finally,  near  Wilna,  by  Wrede 
with  his  Bavarians. 

Count  Hochberg  has  given  a  classical  description  of 
the  life  in  the  rear  guard;  it  is  the  most  elevating  de- 
scription of  greatness,  of  human  magnanimity,  and  it 
fills  us  with  admiration  for  the  noble,  the  brave 
soldier. 

Interesting  is  the  engagement  at  Malodeszno.  A 
certain  spell  hangs  over  this  fight;  here  perished  two 
Saxon  regiments  that  had  gloriously  fought  at  the 
Beresina. 

The  scene  was  a  romantic  park  with  the  castle  of 
Count  Oginsky  where  Napoleon  had  had  his  headquar- 
ters on  the  preceding  day,  and  from  where  he  dated 
his  for  ever  memorable  29th.  bulletin  in  which  he  told 
the  world  the  ruin  of  his  army. 

Toward  2  o'clock  in  the  afternoon  the  enemy  at- 
tacked the  division  of  Girard  who  was  supported  by 
Count  Hochberg.  Then  the  Russians  attacked  the 
park  itself.  The  situation  was  very  serious,  because 
the  Badensian  troops  under  Hochberg  had  only  a  few 
cartridges  and  could  not  properly  answer  the  fire  of 
the  enemy.  Night  came,  and  the  darkness,  writes  a 
Badensian  sergeant,  was  of  great  advantage  to  us,  for 
the  Russians  stood  against  a  very  small  number,  the 
proportion  being  one  battalion  to  100  men.  Count 
Hochberg  led  his  brigade,  attacking  with  the  bayonet, 
and  nearly  became  a  victim  of  his  courage.  The  Baden- 
sian troops  drove  the  enemy  away,  but  they  themselves 

132 


received  the  death  blow.  Count  Hochberg  said  he  had 
no  soldiers  left  whom  he  could  command. 

And  now  it  was  the  division  Loison  which  formed 
the  rear  guard. 

On  the  5th.  of  December  this  division  had  come  to 
Smorgoni  where  Napoleon  took  leave  from  his  mar- 
shals and  from  his  army,  after  he  had  entrusted  Murat 
with  the  command. 

The  division  Loison,  during  the  eventful  night  from 
December  5th.  to  6th.,  had  rendered  great  services. 
Without  the  presence  of  Loison's  soldiers  Napoleon 
would  have  fallen  into  the  hands  of  his  enemies,  and 
the  wheel  of  the  history  of  the  world  would  have 
taken  a  different  turn. 

Dr.  Geissler  describes  Napoleon,  whom  he  saw  at  a 
few  paces'  distance  on  the  day  of  his  departure,  and 
he  writes  "the  personality  of  this  extraordinary  man, 
his  physiognomy  with  the  stamp  of  supreme  originality, 
the  remembrance  of  his  powerful  deeds  by  which  he 
moved  the  world  during  his  time,  carried  us  away  in 
involuntary  admiration.  Was  not  the  voice  which  we 
heard  the  same  which  resounded  all  over  Europe, 
which  declared  wars,  decided  battles,  regulated  the 
fate  of  empires,  elevated  or  extinguished  the  glory  of 
so  many." 

It  may  appear  strange  that  in  a  medical  history  I 
record  these  details,  but  I  give  them  because  they  show 
how  the  personality  of  Napoleon  had  retained  its  magic 
influence  even  in  that  critical  moment. 

The  soldiers  wanted  to  salute  him  with  their  Vive 
I'Empereur!  but,  in  consideration  of  the  assumed 
incognito  of  the  Imperator  without  an  army,  it  was 
interdicted. 

Up  to  this  day  Napoleon  has  been  blamed  for  his 
133 


step,  to  leave  the  army.  At  the  Beresina  he  had  re- 
fused with  pride  the  offer  of  some  Poles  to  take  him 
over  the  river  and  to  bring  him  safely  to  Wilna.  Now 
there  was  nothing  more  to  save  of  the  army,  and 
other  duties  called  him  peremptorily  away.  If  we 
study  well  the  situation,  the  complications  which  had 
arisen  from  the  catastrophe  and  which  were  to  arise 
in  the  following  year,  we  must  in  justice  to  him  admit 
that  he  was  obliged  to  go  in  order  to  create  another 
army. 

It  is  not  a  complete  history  which  I  am  writing; 
otherwise  it  would  be  my  duty  to  speak  of  the  deep 
impression,  the  dramatic  effect,  which  Napoleon's  de- 
parture had  made  on  his  soldiers.  In  presenting  some- 
what extensively  some  details  of  those  days  I  simply 
wished  to  show  who  they  were  and  how  many  brave 
men  there  were  who  had  been  spared  for  the  atrocities 
of  Wilna. 

If  I  were  to  do  justice  to  the  voluminous  material 
before  me  of  the  bravery  of  the  soldiers  on  their  march 
from  the  Beresina  to  Wilna  I  would  have  to  write  a 
whole  book  on  this  part  of  the  history  alone. 


Once  more  the  hope  of  the  unfortunates  should  be 
disappointed  in  a  most  cruel  way.  They  knew  of  fresh 
troops  and  of  rich  magazines  in  Wilna.  But  only  2 
thousand  men  were  left  of  the  Loison  division,  not 
enough  to  defend  the  place  against  the  enemy  whose 
coming  was  to  be  expected. 

The  provisions,  however,  were  stored  in  the  maga- 
zines, and  there  were,  according  to  French  accounts, 
forty  day  rations  of  bread,  flour  and  crackers  for  ioo 
thousand  men,  cattle  for  36  days,  9  million  rations  of 

134 


wine  and  brandy ;  in  addition,  vegetables  and  food  for 
horses,  as  well  as  clothing  in  abundance. 

Unfortunately,  the  governor  of  Wilna,  the  Duke  of 
Bassano,  was  only  a  diplomat,  entirely  incompetent  to 
handle  the  situation,  which  required  military  talent. 

Unfortunate  had  also  been  Napoleon's  choice  of 
Murat.  On  August  31st.,  181 7,  he  said  in  conversation 
with  Gourgaud,  "  I  have  made  a  great  mistake  in  en- 
trusting Murat  with  the  highest  command  of  the 
army,  because  he  was  the  most  incompetent  man  to  act 
successfully  under  such  circumstances. " 

No  preparations  were  made  for  the  entering  troops, 
no  quarters  had  been  assigned  for  them  when  they 
came. 

And  they  came  on  the  9th.;  most  horrible  details 
have  been  recorded  of  this  day  when  the  disbanded 
mass  crowded  the  gate. 

Wilna  was  not  only  not  in  ruins,  but  it  was  the  only 
large  city  which  had  not  been  abandoned  by  its  inhabi- 
tants. But  these  inhabitants  shut  their  doors  before 
the  entering  soldiers.  Only  some  officers  and  some 
Germans,  the  latter  among  the  families  of  German  me- 
chanics, found  an  abode  in  the  houses.  Some  Poles 
were  hospitable,  also  some  Lithuanians,  and  even  the 
Jews. 

All  writers  complain  of  the  avidity  and  cruelty  of 
the  latter;  they  mixed  among  the  soldiers  to  obtain 
whatever  they  had  saved  from  the  pillage  of  Moscow. 
These  Jews  had  everything  the  soldier  was  in  need  of, 
bread  and  brandy,  delicacies  and  even  horses  and 
sleighs;  in  their  restaurants  all  who  had  money  or 
valuables  could  be  accommodated.  And  these  places 
were  crowded  with  soldiers  who  feasted  at  the  well 
supplied  tables,   and  even   hilarity   developed   among 

135 


these  men  saved  from  the  ice  fields  of  Russia.  During 
the  night  every  space  was  occupied  as  a  resting  place. 

While  those  who  could  afford  it  enjoyed  all  the  good 
things  of  which  they  had  been  deprived  so  long,  the 
poor  soldiers  in  the  streets  were  in  great  misery.  The 
doors  being  shut,  they  entered  the  houses  by  force  and 
illtreated  the  inhabitants  who  on  the  next  day  took  a 
bitter  revenge. 

Even  the  rich  magazines  had  remained  closed,  tedi- 
ous formalities  had  to  be  observed,  the  carrying  out  of 
which  was  an  impossibility  since  the  whole  army  was 
disbanded.  No  regiment  had  kept  together,  no  detach- 
ment could  be  selected  to  present  vouchers  for  receiv- 
ing rations. 

Lieutenant  Jacobs  gives  an  illustration  of  the  con- 
dition :  "  Orders  had  been  given  to  receive  rations  for 
four  days.  Colonel  von  Egloffstein  in  the  evening  of 
the  9th.  sent  Lieutenant  Jacobs  with  100  men  to  the 
bread  magazine  to  secure  as  much  as  possible,  and  as 
this  magazine  was  at  some  distance,  and  as  Cossacks 
had  already  entered  the  city,  he  ordered  25  armed  men 
to  accompany  the  hundred,  who,  naturally  enough, 
were  not  armed.  The  commissary  of  the  magazine 
refused  to  hand  out  bread  without  a  written  order  of 
the  commissaire-ordonateur ;  the  lieutenant  therefore 
notified  him  that  he  would  take  by  force  what  he 
needed  for  his  regiment.  And  with  his  25  carabiniers 
he  had  to  fight  for  the  bread." 

Finally  the  pressing  need  led  to  violence.  During 
the  night  of  the  10th.  the  desperate  soldiers,  aided  by 
inhabitants,  broke  into  the  magazines,  at  first  into  those 
containing  clothing,  then  they  opened  the  provision 
stores,  throwing  flour  bags  and  loaves  of  bread  into 
the  street  where  the  masses  fought  for  these  missiles. 

136 


And  when  the  liquor  depots  were  broken  into,  the 
crowd  forced  its  way  in  with  howls.  They  broke  the 
barrels,  and  wild  orgies  took  place  until  the  building 
took  fire  and  many  of  the  revellers  became  the  victims 
of  the  flames. 

While  this  pillaging  went  on  the  market  place  of 
Wilna  was  the  scene  of  events  not  less  frightful.  A 
detachment  of  Loison's  division,  obedient  to  their  duty, 
had  congregated  there,  stacked  arms  and,  in  order  to 
warm  themselves  to  the  best  of  their  ability — the 
temperature  was  30  deg.  below  zero  R.  (37  deg.  below 
zero  F.) — and  to  thaw  the  frozen  bread,  had  lighted 
a  fire.  I  cannot  describe  the  fight  among  these  sol- 
diers for  single  pieces  of  bread ;  they  were  too  horrid. 

This  night  ended,  and  in  the  morning  the  cannon 
was  heard  again. 

An  early  attack  had  been  expected,  and  perspicacious 
officers  had  taken  advantage  of  the  few  hours  of  rest 
to  urge  their  men  to  prepare  for  the  last  march  to  the 
near  frontier.  Count  Hochberg  implored  his  officers 
to  follow  this  advice,  but  the  fatigues  and  sickness  they 
had  undergone,  their  frozen  limbs  and  the  threat  of 
greater  misery,  made  most  of  them  refuse  to  heed  his 
entreaties.  Thus  Hochberg  lost  74  of  his  best  and 
most  useful  officers  who  remained  in  Wilna  and  died 
there.  Similar  attempts  were  made  in  other  quarters. 
Many  of  those  addressed  laughed  sneeringly.  This 
sneering  I  shall  never  forget,  says  Lieutenant  von 
Hailbronner,  who  escaped  while  the  enemy  was  en- 
tering. Death  on  the  road  to  Kowno  was  easier, 
after  all,  than  dying  slowly  in  the  hospitals  of  Wilna. 

On  the  10th.,  in  the  morning,  the  Russians  entered, 
and  the  Cossacks  ran  their  lances  through  every  one 
in  their  way. 

137 


There  were  fights  in  the  streets,  the  troops  of  the 
division  Loison  fought  the  Russians. 

Old  Sergeant  Picart,  of  the  old  guard,  on  hearing 
the  drum,  struck  his  comrade  Bourgogne,  the  writer 
of  some  memoirs  of  the  campaign,  on  the  shoulder, 


saying :  "  Forward,  comrade,  we  are  of  the  old  guard, 
we  must  be  the  first  under  arms."  And  Bourgogne 
went  along,  although  sick  and  wounded. 

German  and  French  bravery  vied  with  each  other 
138 


on  the  ioth.  of  December.  Ney  and  Loison  along 
with  Wrede.  The  latter,  on  the  day  previous,  had 
come  to  the  house  of  the  marshal  to  offer  him  a  small 
escort  of  cavalry  if  he  would  leave  Wilna.  Ney 
pointing  to  the  mass  of  soldiers  who  had  to  be  pn> 
tected,  answered :  "  All  the  Cossacks  in  the  world 
shall  not  bring  me  out  of  this  city  to-night." 

Ney  and  Wrede  left  with  their  troops. 

Woe  to  those  who  had  remained,  their  number  was 
about  10  thousand,  besides  5  thousand  sick  in  the 
hospitals. 

According  to  Roeder,  500  were  murdered  in  the 
streets  on  this  day,  partly  by  Cossacks,  partly  by 
Jews,  the  latter  revenging  themselves  for  ill  treat- 
ment. 

All  reports,  and  they  are  numerous,  of  Germans, 
French  and  also  Russians,  speak  of  the  cruelty  of  the 
Jews  of  Wilna.  We  must  not  forget,  however,  the 
provocations  under  which  they  had  to  suffer,  nor 
how  they,  in  supplying  soldiers  with  eatables  and 
clothing,  saved  many  who  otherwise  would  have 
perished. 

von  Lossberg  says  that  Christian  people  of  Wilna 
have  also  taken  part  in  the  massacre,  and  only  the 
Poles  did  not  participate. 

The  Cossacks  began  their  bloody  work  early  in  the 
morning. 

Awful  cries  of  the  tortured  were  heard  in  the 
Wuerttembergian  hospital,  telling  the  sick  who  were 
lying  there  what  they  themselves  had  to  expect  from 
the  entering  enemies. 

Those  who  had  remained  in  Smolensk  and 
Moscow  after  the  armed  soldiers  had  departed  were 
at  once   massacred.     In   Wilna   likewise  many   were 

139 


murdered,  but  the  greater  number — many  thousands 
— (other  circumstances  did  not  permit  to  do  away 
with  all  these  prisoners  in  the  same  way)  perished 
after  days  or  weeks  of  sickness  and  privations  of  all 
kind. 

Wilna's  convents  could  tell  of  it  if  their  walls  could 
speak. 

Dr.  Geissler  narrates  that  the  prisoners  in  the  Ba- 
silius  monastery  into  which  soldiers  of  all  nationalities 
had  been  driven,  during  13  days  received  only  a  little 
hardtack,  but  neither  wood  nor  a  drop  of  water;  they 
had  to  quench  their  thirst  with  the  snow  which  covered 
the  corpses  in  the  yard. 

The  Englishman  Wilson,  of  whom  I  have  spoken 
already,  who  had  come  to  Wilna  with  Kutusow's  army, 
says :  "  The  Basilius  monastery,  transformed  into  a 
prison,  offered  a  terrible  sight — 7,500  corpses  were 
piled  up  in  the  corridors,  and  corpses  were  also  in 
other  parts  of  the  building,  the  broken  windows  and 
the  holes  in  the  walls  were  plugged  with  feet,  legs, 
hands,  heads,  trunks,  just  as  they  would  fit  in  the 
openings  to  keep  out  the  cold  air.  The  putrefying 
flesh  spread  a  terrible  stench.,, 

(Carpon,  a  French  Surgeon-Major  who  was  with 
the  army  in  Wilna,  has  described  the  events  in  a  paper 
"  Les  Morts  de  Wilna."  I  cannot  quote  from  his 
writings  because  he  gives  impossible  statistics  and  con- 
tradicts himself  in  his  narrations.) 

Yelin  speaks  of  a  hospital  in  which  all  the  inmates 
had  been  murdered  by  the  Cossacks.  He  himself  was 
in  a  Wuerttembergian  hospital  and  describes  his  ex- 
perience :  "  Terrible  was  the  moment  when  the  door 
was  burst  open.  The  monsters  came  in  and  distributed 
themselves  all  over  the  house.    We  gave  them  all  we 

140 


had  and  implored  them  on  our  knees  to  have  pity,  but 
all  in  vain.  '  Schelma  Franzuski/  they  answered,  at 
the  same  time  they  beat  us  with  their  kantchous, 
kicked  us  unmercifully  with  their  feet,  and  as  new 
Cossacks  came  in  all  the  time,  we  were  finally  deprived 
of  all  our  clothing  and  beaten  like  dogs.  Even  the  ban- 
dages of  the  poor  wounded  were  torn  off  in  search  of 
hidden  money  or  valuables.  Lieutenant  Kuhn  (a  piece 
of  his  cranium  had  been  torn  away  at  Borodino) 
was  searched;  he  fell  down  like  dead  and  it  took  a 
long  time  and  much  pain  to  bring  him  to  life  again." 

Lieutenant  von  Soden  was  beaten  with  hellish 
cruelty  on  his  sore  feet  and  gangraenous  toes  so  that 
they  bled.  When  nothing  more  could  be  found  on 
the  sick  and  wounded  they  were  left  lying  on  the 
stone  floor. 

There  was  no  idea  of  medicine. 

The  cold  in  the  rooms  was  so  great  that  hands  and 
feet  of  many  were  frozen. 

Sometimes  prisoners  shaking  with  frost  would  sneak 
out  at  night  to  find  a  little  wood.  Some  Westphalians 
who  had  tried  this  were  beaten  to  death. 

Some  of  the  prisoners  were  literally  eaten  up  by 
lice. 

Those  who  did  not  die  of  their  wounds,  of  filth, 
and  of  misery,  were  carried  away  by  petechial  typhus 
which  had  developed  into  a  violent  epidemic  in  Wilna, 
and  several  thousand  of  the  citizens,  among  them  many 
Jews,  succumbed  to  the  ravages  of  this  disease. 

One  witness  writes :  "Little  ceremony  was  observed 
in  disposing  of  the  dead;  every  morning  I  heard  how 
those  who  had  died  during  the  night  were  thrown 
down  the  stairs  or  over  the  balcony  into  the  yard,  and 

141 


by  counting  these  sinister  sounds  of  falling  bodies  we 
knew  how  many  had  died  during  the  night." 

The  brutality  of  the  guards  was  beyond  description. 
First  Lieutenant  von  Grolman,  one  of  the  most  highly 
educated  officers  of  the  Badensian  contingent,  was 
thrown  down  the  stairway  because  this  (seriously 
wounded)  officer  had  disturbed  the  inspector  during 
the  latter's  leisure  hour. 

Beating  with  the  kantchou  was  nothing  unusual. 

A  Weimaranian  musician,  Theuss,  has  described 
some  guileful  tortures  practised  on  the  prisoners, 
which  are  so  revolting  that  I  dare  not  write  them. 
They  are  given  in  Holzhausen's  book. 

In  their  despair  the  prisoners,  especially  the  officers 
among  them,  sent  petitions  to  Duke  Alexander  of 
Wuerttemberg,  to  the  Tzar,  to  the  Grand  Duke  Con- 
stantine,  and  to  the  Ladies  of  the  Russian  Court.  The 
Tzar  and  his  brother  Constantine  came  and  visited  the 
hospitals.  They  were  struck  by  what  they  saw,  and 
ordered  relief.  Officers  were  permitted  to  walk  about 
the  city,  and  many  obtained  quarters  in  private  houses. 
Those  who  could  not  yet  leave  the  gloomy  wards  of 
the  hospitals  were  better  cared  for. 

It  is  touching  to  read  Yelin's  narration  how  the 
emaciated  arms  of  those  in  the  hospitals  were  stretched 
out  when  their  comrades,  returning  from  a  promenade 
in  the  city,  brought  them  a  few  apples. 

As  they  were  no  longer  guarded  as  closely  as  before, 
many  succeeded  in  escaping.  Captain  Roeder  was 
one  of  them;  Yelin  was  offered  aid  to  flee,  but  he 
remained  because  he  had  given  his  word  of  honor  to 
remain. 

But  most  of  these  favors  came  too  late,  only  one 
142 


tenth  were  left  that  could  be  saved,  the  others  had 
succumbed  to  their  sufferings  or  died  from  typhus. 

A  pestilential  odor  filled  Wilna.  Heaps  of  cadavers 
were  burnt  and  when  this  was  found  to  be  too  ex- 
pensive, thrown  into  the  Wilia.  Few  of  the  higher 
officers  were  laid  at  rest  in  the  cemetery,  among  them 
General  von  Roeder  who  as  long  as  he  was  able  had 
tried  everything  in  his  power  to  ameliorate  the  con- 
dition of  his  soldiers.  Holzhausen  brings  the  fac- 
simile of  a  letter  of  his,  dated  Wilna,  December  30th., 
to  the  King  of  Wuerttemberg  which  proves  his  care 
for  his  soldiers.    He  died  on  January  6th.,  181 3. 


113 


FROM  WILNA  TO  KOWNO 

While  the  prisoners  of  Wilna  were  suffering  these 
nameless  cruelties,  the  unfortunate  army  marched  to 
reach  the  border  of  Russia  at  Kowno,  the  same  Kowno 
where  the  Grand  Army  six  months  before  had  been 
seen  in  all  its  military  splendor,  crossing  the  Niemen. 

They  had  now  to  march  75  miles,  a  three  days' 
march  to  arrive  there. 

The  conditions  were  about  the  same  as  those  on  the 
march  from  the  Beresina  to  Wilna.  Still  the  same 
misery,  frost,  and  hunger,  scenes  of  murder,  fire.  The 
description  of  the  details  would  in  general  be  a 
repetition,  with  little  variation. 

The  following  is  an  account  of  the  last  days  of 
the  retreat  taken  from  a  letter  of  Berthier  to  the 
Emperor. 

When  the  army  entered  Wilna  on  December  8th., 
almost  all  the  men  were  chilled  by  cold,  and  despite 
the  commands  of  Murat  and  Berthier,  despite  the  fact 
that  the  Russians  were  at  the  gates,  both  officers  and 
soldiers  kept  to  their  quarters  and  refused  to  march. 

However,  on  the  10th.  the  march  upon  Kowno  was 
begun.  But  the  extreme  cold  and  the  excess  of  snow 
completed  the  rout  of  the  army.  The  final  disbanding 
occurred  on  the  10th.  and  nth.,  only  a  struggling 
column  remained,  extending  along  the  road,  strewn 
with  corpses,  setting  out  at  daybreak  to  halt  at  night 
in  utter  confusion. 

144 


In  fact,  there  was  no  army  left.  How  could  it  have 
subsisted  with  25  degrees  of  cold?  The  onslaught, 
alas,  was  not  of  the  foe,  but  of  the  harshest  and 
severest  of  seasons  fraught  with  crippling  effect  and 
untold  suffering. 

Berthier,  as  well  as  Murat,  would  have  wished  to 
remain  in  Kowno  through  the  12th.,  but  the  disorder 
was  extreme.  Houses  were  pillaged  and  sacked,  half 
the  town  was  burned  down,  the  Niemen  was  being 
crossed  at  all  points,  and  it  was  impossible  to  stem 
the  tide  of  fugitives.  An  escort  was  barely  available 
for  the  protection  of  the  King  of  Naples,  the  generals, 
and  the  Imperial  eagles.  And  all  amidst  the  cold,  the 
intense  cold,  stupefying  and  benumbing ! 

Four  fifths  of  the  army — or  what  bore  the  name  of 
such,  though  reduced  to  a  mere  conglomeration  and 
bereft  of  fighting  men — had  frozen  limbs;  and  when 
Koenigsberg  was  reached,  in  a  state  of  complete  dis- 
organisation, the  surgeons  were  constantly  employed 
in  amputating  fingers  and  toes. 

Dr.  W.  Zelle,  a  German  military  surgeon,  in  his  book 
"  1812  "  describes  the  last  days  of  the  army.  Kowno 
was  occupied  by  a  considerable  force  of  artillery,  with 
two  German  battalions,  and  it  contained  also  very 
large  supplies,  a  great  deal  of  ammunition,  provisions, 
clothing,  and  arms  of  various  kinds.  About  an  hour's 
march  from  Wilna  the  retreating  masses  encountered 
the  hill  and  defile  of  Ponary  and  it  was  at  this  point 
wThere  the  imperial  treasure,  so  far  conscientiously 
guarded  by  German  troops  from  Baden  and  Wuerttem- 
berg,  was  lost.  When  the  leaders  of  the  treasure 
became  convinced  of  the  impossibility  to  save  it,  the 
jaded  horses  not  being  able  after  15  hours'  effort  to 
climb  the  ice  covered  hill,  they  had  the  wagons  opened, 

145 


the  money  chests  broken,  and  the  coin  surrendered  to 
the  soldiers. 

The  sight  of  the  gold  brought  new  life  even  to  the 
half  frozen  ones;  they  threw  away  their  arms  and 
were  so  greedy  in  loading  themselves  down  with  the 
mammon  that  many  of  them  did  not  notice  the  ap- 
proaching Cossacks  until  it  was  too  late.  Friend  and 
foe,  Frenchmen  and  Russians  pillaged  the  wagons. 
Honor,  money,  and  what  little  had  remained  of  dis- 
cipline, all  was  lost  at  this  point. 

However,  side  by  side  with  these  outrages,  noble 
deeds  could  also  be  recorded.  Numerous  wagons 
with  wounded  officers  had  to  be  abandoned,  the  horses 
being  too  weak  to  take  another  step,  and  many  of  the 
soldiers  disregarded  everything  to  save  these  un- 
fortunates, carrying  them  away  on  their  shoulders. 
An  adjutant  of  the  emperor,  Count  Turenne,  dis- 
tributed the  private  treasure  of  the  emperor  among 
the  soldiers  of  the  Old  Guard,  and  not  one  of  these 
faithful  men  kept  any  of  the  money  for  himself.  All 
was  honestly  returned  later  on,  and  more  than  6 
millions  of  francs  reached  Danzig  safely. 

The  retreat  during  these  scenes  and  the  following 
days,  when  the  terrible  cold  caused  more  victims  from 
hour  to  hour,  was  still  covered  by  Ney  whose  iron 
constitution  defied  all  hardships.  From  five  until 
ten  at  night  he  personally  checked  the  advance  of  the 
enemy,  during  the  night  he  marched,  driving  all 
stragglers  before  him.  From  seven  in  the  morning 
until  ten  the  rear  guard  rested,  after  which  time  they 
continued  the  daily  fight. 

His  Bavarians  numbered  260  on  December  nth., 
150  on  the  17th.  and  on  the  13th.  the  last  20  were  taken 
prisoners.     The   corps   had    disappeared.      The    re- 

146 


mainder  of  Loison's  division  and  the  garrison  of  Wilna 
diminished  in  the  same  manner  until,  finally,  the  rear 
guard  consisted  of  only  60  men. 

What  was  left  of  the  army  reached  Kowno  on  the 
1 2th.,  after  a  long,  tedious  march,  dying  of  cold  and 
hunger.  In  Kowno  there  was  an  abundance  of  clothes, 
flour,  and  spirits.  But  the  unrestrained  soldiers  broke 
the  barrels,  so  that  the  spilled  liquor  formed  a  lake 
in  the  market  place.     The  soldiers  threw  themselves 


down  and  by  the  hundreds  drank  until  they  were  in- 
toxicated. More  than  1200  drunken  men  reeled 
through  the  streets,  dropped  drowsily  upon  the  icy 
stones  or  into  the  snow,  their  sleep  soon  passing  into 
death.  Of  the  entire  corps  of  Eugene  there  remained 
only  eight  or  ten  officers  with  the  prince.  Only  one 
day  more  (the  13th.)  was  the  powerful  Ney  able,  with 
the  two  German  battalions  of  the  garrison,  to  check 
the  Cossacks,  vigorously  supported  by  the  indefatig- 

147 


able  generals,  Gerard  and  Wrede.  Not  until  the 
14th.,  at  9  o'clock  at  night,  did  he  begin  to  retreat, 
with  the  last  of  the  men,  after  having  destroyed  the 
bridges  over  the  Wilia  and  the  Niemen.  Always 
fighting,  receding  but  not  fleeing,  his  person  formed 
the  rear  guard  of  this  Grand  Army  which  five  months 
previous  crossed  the  river  at  this  very  point,  now,  on 
the  14th.,  consisting  of  only  500  foot  guards,  600 
horse  guards,  and  nine  cannon. 

It  is  nobody  but  Ney  who  still  represents  the  Grand 
Army,  who  fires  the  last  shot  before  he,  the  last 
Frenchman,  crosses  the  bridge  over  the  Niemen,  which 
is  blown  up  behind  him.  If  we  look  upon  the  knightly 
conduct  of  Ney  during  the  entire  campaign  we  cannot 
but  think  how  much  greater  he  was  than  the  heroes  of 
Homer. 

This  man  has  demonstrated  to  the  world  upon  this 
most  terrible  of  all  retreats  that  even  fate  is  not  able 
to  subdue  an  imperturbable  courage,  that  even  the 
greatest  adversity  redounds  to  the  glory  of  a  hero. 

More  than  a  thousand  times  did  Ney  earn  in 
Russia  the  epithet,  "  the  bravest  of  the  brave,"  and 
the  legend  which  French  tradition  has  woven  around 
his  person  is  quite  justified.  No  mortal  has  ever 
performed  such  deeds  of  indomitable  moral  courage; 
all  other  heroes  and  exploits  vanish  in  comparison! 

Here,  at  the  Niemen,  the  pursuit  by  the  Russians 
came  to  an  end  for  the  time  being.  They,  too,  had 
suffered  enormously. 

Not  less  than  18  thousand  Russians  were  sick  in 
Wilna;  KutusofFs  army  was  reduced  to  35  thousand 
men,  that  of  Wittgenstein  from  50  thousand  to  15 
thousand.  The  entire  Russian  army,  including  the 
garrison  of  Riga,  numbered  not  more  than  100  thou- 

148 


sand.  The  winter,  this  terrible  ally  of  the  Russians, 
exacted  a  high  price  for  the  assistance  it  had  rendered 
them;  of  10  thousand  men  who  left  the  interior,  well 
provided  with  all  necessities,  only  1700  reached  Wilna; 
the  troops  of  cavalry  did  not  number  more  than  20 
men. 

In  all  the  literature  which  I  have  examined  I  did 
not  find  a  better  description  of  the  life  and  the  strug- 
gle of  the  soldiers  on  the  retreat  than  that  given  by 
General  Heinrich  von  Brandt  of  his  march  from 
Zembin  to  Wilna.  It  is  a  vivid  picture  of  many  de- 
tails from  which  we  derive  a  full  understanding  of 
the  great  misery  on  the  retreat  in  general. 

I  shall  give  an  extensive  extract  in  his  own  words: 

"We  arrived  late  at  Zembin,  where  we  found  many 
bivouac  fires.  It  was  very  cold.  Here  and  there 
around  the  fires  were  lying  dead  soldiers. 

"After  a  short  rest,  which  had  given  us  some  new 
strength,  we  continued  the  march.  If  the  stragglers 
arrive,  we  said  to  ourselves,  we  shall  be  lost;  there- 
fore, let  us  hurry  and  keep  ahead  of  them.  Our  little 
column  kept  well  together,  but  at  every  halt  some 
men  were  missing.  Toward  daybreak  the  cold  be- 
came more  severe.  While  it  was  dark  yet,  we  met  a 
file  of  gunpowder  carts  carrying  wounded;  from  a 
number  of  these  vehicles  we  heard  heart-rending 
clamors  of  some  of  the  wounded  asking  us  to  give 
them  death. 

"At  every  moment  we  encountered  dead  or  dying 
comrades,  officers  and  soldiers,  who  were  sitting  on 
the  road,  exhausted  from  fatigue,  awaiting  their  end. 
The  sun  rose  blood-red;  the  cold  was  frightful.  We 
stopped  near  a  village  where  bivouac  fires  were  burn- 
ing.     Around  these   fires  were   grouped  living  and 

149 


dead  soldiers.  We  lodged  ourselves  as  well  as  we 
could  and  took  from  those  who  had  retired  from  the 
scene  of  life — apparently  during  their  sleep — any- 
thing that  could  be  of  service  to  us.  I  for  my  part 
helped  myself  to  a  pot  in  which  I  melted  snow  to 
make  a  soup  from  some  bread  crusts  which  I  had  in 
my  pocket.      We  all  relished  this  soup. 

"After  an  hour's  rest  we  resumed  our  march  and 
about  30  hours  after  our  departure  we  reached 
Plechtchenissi.  During  this  time  we  had  made  25 
miles.  At  Plechtchenissi  we  found,  at  a  kind  of 
farm,  sick,  wounded  and  dead,  all  lying  pell-mell. 
There  was  no  room  for  us  in  the  house;  we  were 
obliged  to  camp  outside,  but  great  fires  compensated 
us  for  the  want  of  shelter. 

"  We  decided  to  rest  during  part  of  the  night. 
While  some  of  the  soldiers  roasted  slices  of  horse 
meat  and  others  prepared  oatmeal  cakes  from  oats 
which  they  had  found  in  the  village,  we  tried  to  sleep. 
But  the  frightful  scenes  through  which  we  had  passed 
kept  us  excited,  and  sleep  would  not  come. 

"  Toward  1  o'clock  in  the  morning  we  left  for 
Molodetchno.  The  cold  was  frightful.  Our  way 
was  marked  by  the  light  of  the  bivouac  fires  which 
were  seen  at  intervals  and  by  cadavers  of  men  and 
horses  lying  everywhere,  and  as  the  moon  and  the 
stars  were  out  we  could  see  them  well.  Our  column 
became  smaller  all  the  while,  officers  and  men  disap- 
peared without  our  noticing  their  departure,  without 
our  knowing  where  they  had  fallen  behind;  and  the 
cold  increased  constantly.  When  we  stopped  at  some 
bivouac  fire  it  seemed  to  us  as  if  we  were  among 
the  dead;  nobody  stirred,  only  occasionally  would 
one  or  the  other  of  those  sitting  around   raise   his 

150 


head,  look  upon  us  with  glassy  eyes,  rest  again,  prob- 
ably never  to  rise  again.  What  made  the  march 
during  that  night  especially  disagreeable  was  the  icy 
wind  whipping  our  faces.  Toward  8  o'clock  in  the 
morning  we  perceived  a  church  tower.  That  is 
Molodetchno,  we  all  cried  with  one  voice.  But  to 
our  disappointment  we  learned  on  our  arrival  that  it 
was  only  Iliya,  and  that  we  were  only  half-way  to 
Molodetchno. 

"  Iliya  was  not  completely  deserted  by  the  inhabi- 
tants, but  the  troops  that  had  passed  through  it  be- 
fore us  had  left  almost  nothing  eatable  in  the  place. 
We  found  abode  in  some  houses  and  for  a  while  were 
protected  from  the  cold  which  was  by  no  means  abat- 
ing. In  the  farm  of  which  we  took  possession  we 
found  a  warm  room  and  a  good  litter,  which  we  owed 
to  our  predecessors. 

"  It  was  strange  that  none  of  us  could  sleep ;  we 
all  were  in  a  state  of  feverish  excitement,  and  I  at- 
tribute this  to  an  indistinct  fear;  once  asleep  we 
might  perhaps  not  awake  again,  as  we  had  seen  it 
happen  a  thousand  times. 

"  The  longer  we  remained  at  Iliya  the  more  com- 
fortable we  felt,  and  we  decided  to  stay  there  all  day 
and  wait  for  news.  Soup  of  buckwheat,  a  large 
pot  of  boiled  corn,  some  slices  of  roast  horse  meat, 
although  all  without  salt,  formed  a  meal  which  we 
thought  delicious." 

von  Brandt  describes  how  they  took  off  their  gar- 
ments, or  their  wrappings  which  served  as  garments, 
to  clean  and  repair  them ;  how  some  of  his  men  found 
leather  with  which  they  enveloped  their  feet.  The 
day  and  the  night  passed,  and  all  had  some  sleep. 
But  they  had  to  leave. 

151 


"Some  of  the  men  refused  to  go;  one  of  them 
when  urged  to  come  along  said :  '  Captain,  let  me 
die  here;  we  all  are  to  perish,  a  few  days  sooner  or 
later  is  of  no  consequence.  He  was  wounded,  but 
not  seriously,  a  bullet  had  passed  through  his  arm; 
it  was  a  kind  of  apathy  which  had  come  over  him, 
and  he  could  not  be  persuaded.  He  remained  and 
probably  died. 

"  We  left ;  the  cold  was  almost  unbearable.  Along 
the  road  we  found  bivouacs,  at  which  one  detachment 
relieved  the  other;  the  succeeding  surpassing  the  pre- 
ceding one  in  misery  and  distress.  Everywhere,  on 
the  road  and  in  the  bivouacs,  the  dead  were  lying, 
most  of  them  stripped  of  their  clothes. 

"  It  was  imperative  to  keep  moving,  for  remaining 
too  long  at  the  bivouac  fires  meant  death,  and  dan- 
gerous was  it  also  to  remain  behind,  separated  from 
the  troop.  (The  danger  of  being  alone  under  such  cir- 
cumstances as  existed  here  has  been  pointed  out  by 
Beaupre.) 

"  We  marched  to  Molodetchno  where  the  great 
road  commences  and  where  we  expected  some  ame- 
lioration, and,  indeed,  we  found  it.  The  everlasting 
cold  was  now  the  principal  cause  of  our  sufferings. 

"  In  the  village  there  was  some  kind  of  order ;  we 
saw  many  soldiers  bearing  arms  and  of  a  general  good 
appearance.  The  houses  were  not  all  deserted, 
neither  were  they  as  overcrowded  as  in  other  places 
through  which  we  had  passed.  We  established  our- 
selves in  some  of  them  situated  on  the  road  to  Smor- 
goni,  and  we  had  reason  to  be  satisfied  with  our 
choice.  We  bought  bread  at  an  enormous  price, 
made  soup  of  it  which  tasted  very  good  to  us,  and 

we  had  plenty  for  all  of  us. 

152 


"At  Molodetchno  men  of  our  division  joined  us 
and  brought  us  the  news  of  the  crossing  of  the 
Beresina." 

von  Brandt  gives  the  description  of  the  events  at 
the  Beresina  and  tells  of  the  historical  significance 
of  Molodetchno  as  the  place  where  Napoleon  so- 
journed 1 8  hours  and  from  where  he  dated  the  29th. 
bulletin. 

"  We  left  the  village  on  the  following  morning  at 
an  early  hour  and  continued  our  march  on  the  road 
to   Smorgoni. 

"A  description  of  this  march,"  writes  von  Brandt, 
"would  only  be  a  repetition  of  what  had  been  said 
of  scenes  of  preceding  days.  We  were  overtaken 
by  a  snowstorm  the  violence  of  which  surpassed  all 
imagination,  fortunately  this  violence  lasted  only 
some  hours,  but  on  account  of  it  our  little  column 
became  dispersed. 

"  One  bivouac  left  an  impression  of  horror  to  last 
for  all  my  lifetime.  In  a  village  crowded  with  sol- 
diers we  came  to  a  fire  which  was  burning  quite 
lively,  around  it  were  lying  some  dead.  We  were 
tired;  it  was  late,  and  we  decided  to  rest  there.  We 
removed  the  corpses  to  make  room  for  the  living 
and  arranged  ourselves  the  best  way  we  could.  A 
fence  against  which  the  snow  had  drifted  protected 
us  from  the  north  wind.  Many  who  passed  by  en- 
vied us  this  good  place.  Some  stopped  for  a  while, 
others  tried  to  establish  themselves  near  us.  Gradu- 
ally the  fatigue  brought  sleep  to  some  of  us;  the 
stronger  ones  brought  wood  to  keep  up  the  fire.  But 
it  snowed  constantly;  after  one  had  warmed  one  side 
of  the  body  an  effort  was  made  to  warm  the  other; 
after    one    foot    had    been    warmed    the    other    was 

153 


brought  near  the  flame;  a  complete  rest  was  impossi- 
ble. At  daybreak  we  prepared  to  depart.  Thirteen 
men  of  our  troop,  all  wounded,  did  not  answer  the 
roll  call.      My  heart  pained. 

"  We  had  to  pass  in  front  of  the  fence  which  had 
given  us  protection  against  the  wind  during  the  night. 
Imagine  our  surprise  when  we  saw  that  what  we  had 


"No  fear,  we  soon  shall  follow  you." 


taken  for  a  fence  was  a  pile  of  corpses  which  our 
predecessors  had  heaped  one  upon  the  other.  These 
dead  were  men  of  all  countries,  Frenchmen,  Swiss, 
Italians,  Poles,  Germans,  as  we  could  distinguish  by 
their  uniforms.  Most  of  them  had  their  arms  ex- 
tended as  if  they  had  been  stretching  themselves. 
'  Look,    Captain/     said    one    of    the    soldiers,    '  they 

154 


stretch  their  hands  out  to  us;  ah,  no  fear,  we  soon 
shall  follow  you/ 

"  We  were  soon  to  have  another  horrid  sight.  In 
a  village,  many  houses  of  which  had  been  burnt,  there 
were  the  ghastly  remains  of  burnt  corpses,  and  in 
one  building,  especially,  there  was  a  large  number  of 
such  infesting  the  air  with  their  stench.  A  repeti- 
tion of  scenes  I  had  seen  at  Saragossa  and  at  Smo- 
lensk. 

"  At  sunset  we  arrived  at  Smorgoni,  and  here  we 
enjoyed  great  comfort.  It  was  the  first  place  where 
we  could  obtain  something  for  money.  From  an  old 
Jewess  we  bought  bread,  rice,  and  also  a  little  coffee, 
all  at  reasonable  prices.  It  was  the  first  cup  of  cof- 
fee I  had  had  for  months,  and  it  invigorated  me  very 
much. 

"  We  were  young,  and  our  good  humor  had 
soon  been  restored  to  us;  it  made  us  forget,  for  the 
time  being  at  least,  how  much  we  had  suffered,  and 
at  this  moment  we  did  not  think  of  the  suffering  yet 
in  store  for  us. 

"  We  left  for  Ochmiana ;  our  march  was  tedious. 
Again  we  encountered  a  great  many  dead  strewn  on 
the  road;  many  of  them  had  died  from  cold;  some 
still  had  their  arms,  young  men,  well  dressed,  their 
cloaks,  shoes,  and  socks,  however,  were  taken  from 
them.  Half  way  to  Ochmiana  we  took  a  rest  at  a 
bivouac  which  had  been  evacuated  quite  recently. 

"  The  night  we  passed  here  was  fearful.  I  had 
an  inflamed  foot,  and  felt  a  burning  pain  under  the 
arms  which  caused  me  great  difficulty  in  the  use  of 
my  crutches.  Fortunately  I  found  a  place  on  which 
a  fire  had  been  burning,  and  I  was  not  obliged  to 

155 


sleep  on  the  snow.  The  soldiers  kept  up  a  fire  all 
night,  and  I  had  a  good  and  invigorating  sleep,  in 
consequence  of  which  I  could  take  up  the  march  on 
the  following  day,  with  new  courage  and  zeal. 

"  Toward  1 1  o'clock  we  arrived,  together  with  a 
mass  of  fugitives,  at  Ochmiana.  Before  entering  the 
city  we  encountered  a  convoy  of  provisions,  escorted 
by  a  young  Mecklenburg  officer,  Lieutenant  Rud- 
loff,  who  some  years  later  served  as  a  Prussian 
general.  He  made  an  attempt  to  defend  his  sleighs, 
but  in  vain.  The  crowd  surrounded  him  and  his 
convoy  and  pushed  in  such  a  manner  that  neither  he 
nor  his  men  were  able  to  stir.  The  sleighs,  carrying 
excellent  biscuits,  were  pillaged.  I  myself  gathered 
some  in  the  snow,  and  I  can  well  say  that  they  saved 
my  life  until  we  reached  Wilna. 

"Arrived  at  Ochmiana  we  at  once  continued  our 
march  upon  Miednicki. 

"  The  city  was  occupied  by  a  crowd  of  disbanded 
soldiers — marauders  who  had  established  themselves 
everywhere.  It  was  only  with  difficulty  that  we 
found  some  sort  of  lodging  in  a  kind  of  pavilion 
which  was  icy  and  had  no  chimneys.  However,  wre 
managed  to  heat  it  and  arranged  litter  for  20  men. 
With  bread  and  biscuit  brought  from  Ochmiana  we 
prepared  a  good  meal. 

"When  we  crossed  the  Goina  we  numbered  50; 
this  number  had  increased  so  that  we  were  at  one 
time  70,  but  now  our  number  had  decreased  to  29. 

"  We  left  at  an  early  hour  on  the  next  morning. 
It  was  frightfully  cold.  Half  way  to  Miednicki  we 
had  to  stop  at  a  bivouac.  On  the  road  we  saw  many 
cadavers."  von  Brandt  here  describes  the  fatal 
effects  of  cold  and  his  description,  though  less  com- 

156 


plete,  corresponds  with  the  descriptions  given  by 
Beaupre,  von  Sctierer,  and  others.  Especially  revolt- 
ing, he  says,  was  the  sight  of  the  toes  of  the  cadavers ; 
often  there  were  no  more  soft  parts.  The  soldiers, 
first  of  all,  took  the  shoes  from  their  dead  comrades, 
next  the  cloaks ;  they  would  wear  two  or  three  or  cut 
one  to  cover  their  feet  and  their  head  with  the  pieces. 

The  last  part  of  the  march  to  Miedniki  was  most 
painful  for  von  Brandt,  on  account  of  the  inflamma- 
tion of  his  left  foot. 

He  describes  his  stay  at  that  place  in  which  there 
were  many  stragglers.  He  bivouaked  in  a  garden; 
they  had  straw  enough  and  a  good  fire,  also  biscuits 
from  Ochmiana,  and  they  suffered  only  from  the  cold, 
30  deg.  below  zero  R.  (36  deg.  below  zero  Fahren- 
heit.) On  this  occasion  von  Brandt  speaks  of  the 
pains,  the  sufferings,  the  condition  of  his  comrades. 
One  of  them,  Zelinski,  had  not  uttered  a  word  since 
their  departure  from  Smorgoni;  he  had  no  tobacco, 
and  this  troubled  him  more  than  physical  pain; 
another  one,  Karpisz,  crushed  by  sorrow  and  suffer- 
ings, was  in  a  delirious  state;  in  the  same  condition 
were  some  of  the  wounded.  But  after  all,  in  the 
midst  of  their  sad  reflections,  some  of  them  fell 
asleep.  Those  who  were  well  enough  took  up  reliefs 
on  night  watch.  Every  one  of  the  group  had  to  bear 
some  special  great  misery,  and  upon  the  whole  their 
trials  were  beyond  endurance:  In  the  open  air  at  30 
deg.  R.  below  zero,  without  sufficient  clothing,  with- 
out privisions,  full  of  vermin,  exposed  at  any  moment 
to  the  attacks  of  the  enemy,  surrounded  by  a  rapa- 
cious rabble,  deprived  of  aid,  wounded,  they  were 
hardly  in  a  condition  to  drag  themselves  along. 

"  Still  an  8  hours'  march  to  Wilna,"  I  said  to 
X57 


Zelinski;  "Will  we  reach  there?"  He  shook  his  head 
in  doubt." 

One  of  the  men,  Wasilenka,  a  sergeant,  the  most 
courageous,  the  firmest  of  the  little  column,  of  a  ro- 
bust constitution,  had  found  at  Ochmiana  some 
brandy  and  some  potatoes.  He  said  if  one  had  not 
lost  his  head  entirely,  one  could  have  many  things, 
but  nothing  can  be  done  with  the  French  any  more; 
they  are  not  the  Frenchmen  of  former  times,  a 
Cossack's  casque  upsets  them ;  it  is  a  shame !  And 
he  told  the  great  news  of  Napoleon's  departure  from 
the  army  of  which  the  others  of  von  Brandt's  column 
had  yet  not  been  informed.  Interesting  as  was  the 
conversation  on  this  event,  I  have  to  omit  it. 

The  extreme  cold  did  not  allow  much  sleep;  long 
before  daylight  they  were  on  their  feet.  It  was  a 
morning  of  desolation,  as  always. 

von  Brandt  now  describes  the  characteristic  phe- 
nomena of  the  landscape;  the  words  are  almost 
identical  with  the  description  Beaupre  has  given  of  the 
Russian  landscape  in  the  winter  of  1812. 

"  I  could  not  march,  the  pain  under  my  shoulders 
was  very  great.  I  felt  as  if  all  at  this  region  of  my 
body  would  tear  off.  But  I  marched  all  the  same. 
Many  were  already  on  the  road,  all  in  haste  to  reach 
the  supposed  end  of  their  sufferings.  They  seemed 
to  be  in  a  race,  and  the  cold,  the  incredible  cold,  drove 
them  also  to  march  quickly.  On  this  day  there  per- 
ished more  men  than  usual,  and  we  passed  these  un- 
fortunates without  a  sign  of  pity,  as  if  all  human  feel- 
ing had  been  extinguished  in  the  souls  of  us,  the  sur- 
viving. We  marched  in  silence,  hardly  any  one  ut- 
tered a  word;  if,  however,  some  one  spoke,  it  was 
to  say  how  is  it  that  I  am  not  in  your  place;  besides 

158 


this  nothing  was  heard  but  the  sighing  and  the  groans 
of  the  dying. 

"  It  was  perhaps  9  o'clock  when  we  had  covered 
half  of  the  way  and  took  a  short  rest,  after  which  we 
resumed  our  march  and  arrived  before  Wilna  toward 
3  o'clock,  having  marched  ten  hours,  exhausted  be- 
yond description.  The  cold  was  intolerable;  as  I 
learned  afterward  it  had  reached  29  deg.  below  zero 
Reaumur  (36  deg.  below  zero  Fahrenheit.)  But  im- 
agine our  surprise  when  armed  guards  forbade  us 
to  enter  the  city.  The  order  had  been  given  to  admit 
only  regular  troops.  The  commanders  had  thought 
of  the  excesses  of  Smolensk  and  Orscha  and  here  at 
least  they  intended  to  save  the  magazines  from  pil- 
lage. Our  little  column  remained  at  the  gate  for  a 
while;  we  saw  that  whoever  risked  to  mix  with  the 
crowd  could  not  extricate  himself  again  and  could 
neither  advance  nor  return.  It  came  near  sunset,  the 
cold  by  no  means  abated  but,  on  the  contrary,  aug- 
mented. Every  minute  the  crowd  increased  in  num- 
ber, the  dying  and  dead  mixed  up  with  the  living.  We 
decided  to  go  around  the  city,  to  try  to  enter  at  some 
other  part;  after  half  an  hour's  march  we  succeeded 
and  found  ourselves  in  the  streets.  They  were  full 
of  baggage,  soldiers,  and  inhabitants.  But  where  to 
turn?  Where  to  seek  aid?  By  good  luck  we  remem- 
bered that  our  officers  passing  Wilna  on  their  way 
during  the  spring  had  been  well  received  by  Mr. 
Malczewski,  a  friend  of  our  colonel.  Nothing  more 
natural  than  to  go  to  him  and  ask  for  asylum.  But 
imagine  our  joy,  our  delight,  when  at  our  arrival  at 
the  house  we  found  our  colonel  himself,  the  quarter- 
master and  many  officers  known  by  us,  who  all  were 
the   guests   of   Mr.    Malczewski.      Even   Lieutenant 

159 


Gordon  who  commanded  our  depot  at  Thorn  was 
there;  he  had  come  after  he  had  had  the  news  of  the 
battle  of  Borodino. 

"  My  faithful  servant  Maciejowski  and  the  brave 
Wasilenka  carried  me  up  the  stairs  and  placed  me  in 
bed.  I  was  half  dead,  hardly  master  of  my  senses. 
Gordon  gave  me  a  shirt,  my  servant  took  charge  of 
my  garments  to  free  them  from  vermin,  and  after 
I  had  had  some  cups  of  hot  beer  with  ginger  in  it 
and  was  under  a  warm  blanket,  I  recovered  strength 
enough  to  understand  what  I  was  told  and  to  do  what 
I  was  asked  to  do. 

"A  Jewish  physician  examined  and  dressed  my 
wounds.  He  found  my  shoulders  very  much  in- 
flamed and  prescribed  an  ointment  which  had  an  ex- 
cellent effect.  I  fell  into  a  profound  sleep  which 
was  interrupted  by  the  most  bizarre  imaginary 
scenes;  there  was  not  one  of  the  hideous  episodes 
of  the  last  fortnight  which  did  not  pass  in  some 
form  or  another  before  my  mind. 

"  Washed,  cleaned,  passably  invigorated,  refreshed 
especially  by  some  cups  of  hot  beer,  I  was  able  to  rise 
on  the  following  morning  and  to  assist  at  the  council 
which  the  colonel  had  called  together." 

von  Brandt  now  describes  how  the  mass  of  fugi- 
tives came  and  pillaged  the  magazines.  The  colonel 
saved  a  great  many,  supplied  them  with  shoes,  cloaks, 
caps,  woolen  socks,  and  provisions,  von  Brandt 
describes  the  scenes  of  Wilna  from  the  time  the 
Cossacks  had  entered. 

"The  colonel  prepared  to  depart;  at  first  he  hesi- 
tated to  take  us,  the  wounded,  along,  asking  if  we 
could  stand  the  voyage.  I  said  to  remain  would  be 
certain  death,  and  with  confidence  I  set  out  on  the 

160 


march  with  my  men,  the  number  of  whom  was  now 
twenty.      We  had  sleighs  and  good  horses. 

"  The  night  was  superb.  It  was  light  like  day. 
The  stars  shone  more  radiantly  than  ever  upon  our 
misery.  The  cold  was  still  severe  beyond  descrip- 
tion and  more  sensible  to  us  who  had  nearly  lost  the 
habit  to  feel  it  during  forty-eight  hours  of  relief. 

"  We  had  to  make  our  way  through  an  indescriba- 
ble tangle  of  carriages  and  wagons  to  reach  the  gate, 
and  the  road  as  far  as  we  could  see  was  also  covered 
with  vehicles,  wagons,  sleighs,  cannons,  all  mixed  up. 
We  had  great  difficulties  to  remain  together. 

"After  an  hour's  march  all  came  to  a  halt;  we 
found  ourselves  before  a  veritable  sea  of  men.  The 
wagons  could  not  be  drawn  over  a  hill  on  account 
of  the  ice,  and  the  road  became  hopelessly  blockaded. 
Here  it  was  where  the  military  treasure  of  12  million 
francs  was  given  to  the  soldiers." 

von  Brandt  describes  his  most  wonderful  adven- 
tures on  the  way  to  Kowno  which,  although  most  in- 
teresting, add  nothing  to  what  has  already  been 
described.  I  gave  this  foregoing  part  of  von  Brandt's 
narration  because  it  gives  a  most  vivid  picture  of  the 
life  of  the  soldiers  during  the  supreme  moments  of 
the  retreat  from  Moscow. 


161 


PRISONERS  OF  WAR 

Beaupre  was  taken  prisoner  at  the  passage  of  the 
Beresina  and  remained  in  captivity  for  some  time. 
His  lot  as  a  prisoner  of  war  was  an  exceptionally  good 
one.  He  tells  us  that  prisoners  when  they  were  out 
of  such  parts  of  the  country  as  had  been  ravaged  by 
the  armies,  received  regular  rations  of  a  very  good 
quality,  and  were  lodged  by  eight,  ten,  and  twelve,  with 
the  peasants.  In  the  provincial  capitals,  they  received 
furs  of  sheep  skin,  fur  bonnets,  gloves,  and  coarse 
woolen  stockings,  a  sort  of  dress  that  appeared  to  them 
grotesque  as  well  as  novel,  but  which  was  very  precious 
as  a  protection  against  the  cold  during  the  winter. 
When  arrived  at  the  places  in  which  they  were  to  pass 
the  time  of  their  captivity  they  found  their  lot 
ameliorated,  and  the  reception  accorded  to  them  de- 
manded a  grateful  eulogy  of  the  hospitality  exercised 
by  the  Russians. 

Quite  different  was  the  experience  of  a  very  young 
German,  Karl  Schehl,  a  private  whose  memoirs  have 
been  kept  in  his  family,  and  were  recently  published  by 
one  of  his  grand-nephews.  After  a  battle  on  the 
retreat  from  Moscow  he,  with  many  others,  was  taken 
prisoner  by  Cossacks,  who  at  once  plundered  the 
captives.  Schehl  was  deprived  of  his  uniform,  his 
breeches,  his  boots.  He  had  a  gold  ring  on  his  ring 
finger,  and  one  of  the  Cossacks,  thinking  it  too  much 

162 


trouble  to  remove  the  ring  in  the  natural  way,  had 
already  drawn  his  sabre  to  cut  off  the  prisoner's  left 


awqty 


hand,  when  an  officer  saw  this  and  gave  the  brutal 
Cossack  a  terrible  blow  in  the  face;  he  then  removed 
the  ring  without  hurting  the  boy  and  kept  it  for  him- 

163 


self.  Another  officer  took  Schehl's  gold  watch.  Schehl 
stood  then  with  no  other  garment  but  a  shirt,  and 
barefoot,  in  the  bitter  cold,  not  daring  to  approach 
the  bivouac  fire.  The  Cossacks  (on  examining  the 
garments  of  Schehl),  found  in  one  of  the  pockets  a 
B  clarinette.  This  discovery  gave  them  great 
pleasure;  they  induced  their  captive  to  play  for  them, 
and  he  played,  chilled  to  the  bone  in  his  scanty  costume. 
But  now  the  Cossacks  came  to  offer  him  garments,  a 
regular  outfit  for  the  Russian  winter.  They  gave  him 
food  to  eat  and  did  all  they  could  to  show  their  ap- 
preciation of  the  music.  What  a  rapid  change  of 
fortune  within  two  hours,  writes  Schehl.  Toward 
noon,  riding  a  good  horse,  with  considerable  money  in 
Russian  bank  notes  and  a  valuable  gold  watch  in  his 
possession,  all  brought  from  Moscowt,  at  i  p.m.  he 
stood  dressed  in  a  shirt  only,  with  his  bare  feet  on  the 
frozen  ground,  and  at  2  p.  m.  he  was  admired  as  an 
artist  by  a  large  audience  that  gave  him  warm  clothes, 
which  meant  protection  against  the  danger  of  freezing 
to  death,  and  a  place  near  the  fire. 

During  that  afternoon  and  the  following  night  more 
French  soldiers  of  all  arms,  mostly  emaciated  and 
miserable,  were  escorted  to  the  camp  by  Russian 
militia,  peasants,  armed  with  long,  sharp  lances.  It 
was  the  night  from  October  30th.  to  31st.,  at  the  time 
of  the  first  snowfall,  with  a  temperature  of  —12  deg. 
Reaumur  (about  5  degrees  above  zero  Fahrenheit). 
Of  the  700  prisoners,  many  of  them  deprived  of  their 
clothing,  as  Schehl  had  been  deprived,  who  had  to 
camp  without  a  fire,  quite  a  number  did  not  see  the 
next  morning,  and  the  already  described  snow  hills 
indicated  where  these  unfortunates  had  reached  the 
end  of  their  sufferings.    The  commanding  officer  of  the 

164 


Cossacks  ordered  the  surviving  prisoners  to  fall  in  line 
for  the  march  back  to  Moscow.  The  escort  consisted 
of  two  Cossacks  and  several  hundred  peasant-soldiers. 
Within  sixteen  hours  the  700  had  been  reduced  to  500. 
And  they  had  to  march  back  over  the  road  which  they 
had  come  yesterday  as  companions  of  their  emperor. 
The  march  was  slow,  they  were  hardly  an  hour  on 
the  road  when  here  and  there  one  of  the  poor,  half 
naked,  starving  men  fell  into  the  snow;  immediately 
was  he  pierced  with  the  lance  of  one  of  the  peasant 
soldiers  who  shouted  stopai  sukinsin  (forward  you 
dog),  but  as  a  rule  the  one  who  had  fallen  was  no 
longer  able  to  obey  the  brutal  command.  Two  Rus- 
sian peasant  soldiers  would  then  take  hold,  one  at 
each  leg,  and  drag  the  dying  man  with  the  head  over 
snow  and  stones  until  he  was  dead,  then  leave  the 
corpse  in  the  middle  of  the  road.  In  the  woods  they 
would  practise  the  same  cruelties  as  the  North  Ameri- 
can Indians,  tie  those  who  could  not  rise  to  a  tree  and 
amuse  themselves  by  torturing  the  victim  to  death 
with  their  lances.  And,  says  Schehl,  I  could  narrate 
still  other  savageries,  but  they  are  too  revolting,  they 
are  worse  than  those  of  the  savage  Indians.  Fortun- 
ately, Schehl  himself  was  protected  from  all  molesta- 
tions by  the  peasants  by  the  two  Cossacks  of  the 
escort.  He  was  even  taken  into  the  provision  wagon 
where  he  could  ride  between  bundles  of  hay  and  straw. 
On  the  evening  of  the  first  day's  march  the  troops 
camped  in  a  birch  forest.  Russian  people  are  fond  of 
melancholy  music;  Schehl  played  for  them  adagios 
on  his  clarinette,  and  the  Cossacks  gave  him  the  best 
they  had  to  eat.  His  comrades,  now  reduced  to  400  in 
number,  received  no  food  and  were  so  terror-stricken 
or  so  feeble  that  only  from  time  to  time  they  emitted 

165 


sounds  of  clamor.  Some  would  crawl  into  the  snow 
and  perish,  while  those  who  kept  on  moving  were 
able  to  prolong  their  miserable  lives.  The  second  night 
took  away  ioo  more,  so  that  the  number  of  prisoners 
was  reduced  to  less  than  300  on  the  morning  of  October 
31st.  During  the  night  from  October  31st.  to  Novem- 
ber 1st.  more  than  one-half  of  the  prisoners  who  had 
come  into  the  camp  had  perished,  and  there  were  only 
about  100  men  left  to  begin  the  march.  This  mortality 
was  frightful.  Schehl  thinks  that  the  peasants  killed 
many  during  the  night  in  order  to  be  relieved  of  their 
guard  duty.  For  the  Cossacks  would  send  the  super- 
fluous guardsmen  away  and  retain  only  as  many  as 
one  for  every  four  prisoners.  They  saw  that  the  com- 
pletely exhausted  Frenchmen  could  be  driven  forward 
like  a  herd  of  sick  sheep,  and  hardly  needed  any  guard. 
In  the  morning  we  passed  a  village,  writes  Schehl, 
in  which  stood  some  houses  which  had  not  been 
burned.  The  returned  inhabitants  were  busy  clearing 
away  the  rubbish  and  had  built  some  provisional  straw 
huts.  I  sat  as  harmless  as  possible  on  my  wagon  when 
suddenly  a  girl  in  one  of  the  straw  huts  screamed  loud 
Matuschka!  Matuschka!  Franzusi!  Franzusi  Nie- 
wolni!  (Mother!  mother!  Frenchmen!  French  pri- 
soners!), and  now  sprang  forward  a  large  woman, 
armed  with  a  thick  club  and  struck  me  such  a  power- 
ful blow  on  the  head  that  I  became  unconscious.  When 
I  opened  my  eyes  again  the  woman  struck  me  once 
more,  this  time  on  my  left  shoulder  and  so  violently 
that  I  screamed.  My  arm  was  paralyzed  from  the 
stroke.  Fortunately,  one  of  the  Cossacks  came  to  my 
rescue,  scolded  the  woman,  and  chased  her  away. 

On  the  evening  of  November  1st.,  the  troops  came 
to  a  village  through  which  no  soldiers  had  passed, 

166 


which  had  not  been  disturbed  by  the  war.  Of  the 
prisoners  only  60  remained  alive,  and  these  were 
lodged  in  the  houses. 

Schehl  describes  the  interior  of  the  houses  of  Rus- 
sian peasants  as  well  as  the  customs  of  the  Russian 
peasants,  which  description  is  highly  interesting,  and 
I  shall  give  a  brief  abstract  of  it. 

The  houses  are  all  frame  buildings  with  a  thatched 
roof,  erected  upon  a  foundation  of  large  unhewn 
stones,  the  interstices  of  which  are  filled  with  clay, 
and  built  in  an  oblong  shape,  of  strong,  round  pine 
logs  placed  one  on  top  of  the  other.  Each  layer 
is  stuffed  with  moss,  and  the  ends  of  the  logs  are 
interlocking.  The  buildings  consist  of  one  story 
only,  with  a  very  small,  unvaulted  cellar. 

Usually  there  are  only  two  rooms  in  these  houses, 
and  wealthy  peasants  use  both  of  them  for  their 
personal  requirements;  the  poorer  classes,  on  the 
other  hand,  use  only  one  of  the  rooms  for  themselves, 
and  the  other  for  their  horses,  cows,  and  pigs. 

The  most  prominent  part  of  the  interior  arrange- 
ment of  these  rooms  is  the  oven,  covering  about  six 
feet  square,  with  a  brick  chimney  in  the  houses  of 
the  wealthy,  but  without  chimney  in  those  of  the 
poor,  so  that  the  smoke  must  pass  through  the  door 
giving  a  varnished  appearance  to  the  entire  ceiling 
over  the  door. 

There  are  no  chairs  in  the  rooms;  during  the  day 
broad  benches  along  the  walls  and  oven  are  used 
instead.  At  night,  the  members  of  the  household 
lie  down  to  sleep  on  these  benches,  using  any  con- 
venient piece  of  clothing  for  a  pillow.  It  seems  the 
Russian  peasant  of  one  hundred  years  ago  considered 
beds  a  luxury. 

167 


Every  one  of  these  houses,  those  of  the  rich  as  well 
as  those  of  the  poor,  contains  in  the  easterly  corner 
of  the  sitting  room  a  cabinet  with  more  or  less  costly 
sacred  images. 

On  entering  the  room  the  newcomer  immediately 
turns  his  face  toward  the  cabinet,  crossing  himself 
three  times  in  the  Greek  fashion,  simultaneously  in- 
clining his  head,  and  not  until  this  act  of  devotion 
has  been  performed  does  he  address  individually 
every  one  present.  In  greeting,  the  family  name  is 
never  mentioned,  only  the  first  name,  to  which  is 
added:  Son  of  so  and  so  (likewise  the  first  name 
only),  but  the  inclination  of  the  head — pagoda  like — - 
is  never  omitted. 

All  the  members  of  the  household  say  their  very 
simple  prayers  in  front  of  the  cabinet;  at  least,  I 
never  heard  them  say  anything  else  but  Gospodin 
pomilui  (O  Lord,  have  mercy  upon  us)  ;  but  such  a 
prayer  is  very  fatiguing  for  old  and  feeble  persons 
because  Gospodin  pomilui  is  repeated  at  least  24 
times,  and  every  repetition  is  accompanied  with  a 
genuflection  and  a  prostration,  naturally  entailing  a 
great  deal  of  hardship  owing  to  the  continued  exertion 
of  the  entire  body. 

In  addition  to  the  sacred  cabinet,  the  oven,  and  the 
benches,  every  one  of  the  rooms  contains  another 
loose  bench  about  six  feet  long,  a  table  of  the  same 
length,  and  the  kvass  barrel  which  is  indispensable 
to  every  Russian. 

This  cask  is  a  wooden  vat  of  about  50  to  60  gallons 
capacity,  standing  upright,  the  bottom  of  which  is 
covered  with  a  little  rye  flour  and  wheat  bran — the 
poor  use  chaff  of  rye — upon  which  hot  water  is 
poured.      The  water  becomes  acidulated  in  about  24 

168 


hours  and  tastes  like  water  mixed  with  vinegar.  A 
little  clean  rye  straw  is  placed  inside  of  the  vat,  in 
front  of  the  bunghole,  allowing  the  kvass  to  run  fairly 
clear  into  the  wooden  cup.  When  the  vat  is  three- 
quarters  empty  more  water  is  added;  this  must  be 
done  very  often,  as  the  kvass  barrel  with  its  single 
drinking  cup — placed  always  on  top  of  the  barrel — » 
is  regarded  as  common  property.  Every  member  of 
the  household  and  every  stranger  draws  and  drinks 
from  it  to  their  heart's  content,  without  ever  asking 
permission  of  the  owner  of  the  house.  Kvass  is  a 
very  refreshing  summer  drink,  especially  in  the 
houses  of  wealthy  peasants  who  need  not  be  particu- 
lar with  their  rye  flour  and  who  frequently  renew  the 
original  ingredients  of  the  concoction. 

The  peasant  soldiers  took  the  most  comfortable 
places;  for  Schehl  and  his  nine  comrades,  who  were 
lodged  with  him  in  one  of  the  houses,  straw  was 
given  to  make  a  bed  on  the  floor,  but  most  of  the  nine 
syntrophoi  were  so  sick  and  feeble  that  they  could  not 
make  their  couch,  and  six  could  not  even  eat  the  pound 
of  bread  which  every  one  had  received;  they  hid  the 
remaining  bread  under  the  rags  which  represented 
their  garments.  Schehl,  although  he  could  not  raise 
his  left  arm,  helped  the  sick,  notwithstanding  the  pain 
he  suffered,  to  spread  the  straw  on  the  floor.  On  the 
morning  of  the  2d.  of  November  the  sick,  who  had  not 
been  able  to  eat  all  their  bread,  were  dead.  Schehl, 
while  the  surviving  ones  were  still  asleep,  took  the 
bread  which  he  found  on  the  corpses,  to  hide  it  in  his 
sheepskin  coat.  This  inheritance  was  to  be  the  means 
of  saving  his  life;  without  it  he  would  have  starved 
to  death  while  a  prisoner  in  Moscow. 

They  left  this  village  with  now  only  29  prisoners  and 
169 


arrived  on  the  same  evening,  reduced  to  n  in  number, 
in  Moscow,  where  they  were  locked  up  in  one  of  the 
houses,  together  with  many  other  prisoners.  Of  the 
700  fellow  prisoners  of  Schehl  689  had  died  during 
the  four  days  and  four  nights  of  hunger,  cold,  and 
most  barbaric  cruelties.  If  the  prisoners  had  hoped 
to  be  saved  from  further  cruelties  while  in  Moscow 
they  were  bitterly  disappointed.  First  of  all,  their 
guards  took  from  them  all  they  themselves  could  use, 
and  on  this  occasion  Schehl  lost  his  clarinette  which  he 
considered  as  his  life  saver.  Fortunately,  they  did 
not  take  from  him  the  six  pieces  of  bread.  After  hav- 
ing been  searched  the  prisoners  were  driven  into  a 
room  which  was  already  filled  with  sick  or  dying,  lying 
on  the  floor  with  very  little  and  bad  straw  under  them. 
The  newcomers  had  difficulties  to  find  room  for  them- 
selves among  these  other  unfortunates.  The  guards 
brought  a  pail  of  fresh  water  but  nothing  to  eat.  In 
a  room  with  two  windows,  which  faced  the  inner 
court-yard,  were  locked  up  over  30  prisoners,  and  all 
the  other  rooms  in  the  building  were  filled  in  the  same 
way.  During  the  night  from  November  2d.  to  Novem- 
ber 3d.  several  of  Schehl's  companions  died  and  were 
thrown  through  the  window  into  the  court  yard,  after 
the  jailors  had  taken  from  the  corpses  whatever  they 
could  use.  Similar  acts  were  performed  in  the  other 
rooms,  and  it  gave  the  survivors  a  little  more  room  to 
stretch  their  limbs.  This  frightful  condition  lasted  six 
days  and  six  nights,  during  which  time  no  food  was 
given  to  them.  The  corpses  in  the  yard  were  piled 
up  so  high  that  the  pile  reached  up  to  the  windows. 
It  was  48  hours  since  Schehl  had  eaten  the  last  of  the 
six  pieces  of  bread,  and  he  was  so  tortured  by  hunger 
that  he  lost  all  courage,  when  at   10  o'clock  in  the 

170 


forenoon  a  Russian  officer  entered  and  in  German 
ordered  the  prisoners  to  get  ready  within  an  hour  for 
roll  call  in  the  court  yard,  because  the  interimistic 
commanding  officer  of  Moscow,  Colonel  Orlowski,  was 
to  review  them.  Immediately  before  this  took  place, 
the  prisoners  had  held  a  counsel  among  themselves 
whether  it  would  be  wise  to  offer  themselves  for  Rus- 
sian military  service  in  order  to  escape  the  imminent 
danger  of  starving  to  death.  When  that  officer  so  un- 
expectedly had  entered,  Schehl,  although  the  youngest 
— he  was  only  15  years  of  age — but  relatively  the 
strongest,  because  he  was  the  last  of  them  who  had 
had  a  little  to  eat,  rose  with  difficulty  from  his  straw 
bed  and  made  the  offer,  saying  that  they  were  at  pre- 
sent very  weak  and  sick  from  hunger,  but  that  they 
would  soon  regain  their  strength  if  they  were  given 
something  to  eat.  The  officer  in  a  sarcastic  and  rough 
manner  replied :  "  His  Majesty  our  glorious  Emperor, 
Alexander,  has  soldiers  enough  and  does  not  need  you 
dogs."  He  turned  and  left  the  room,  leaving  the  un- 
fortunates in  a  state  of  despair.  Toward  11  o'clock 
he  returned,  ordering  the  prisoners  to  descend  the 
stairs  and  fall  in  line  in  the  court  yard.  All  crawled 
from  their  rooms,  80  in  number,  and  stood  at  attention 
before  the  colonel,  who  was  a  very  handsome  and 
strong  man,  six  foot  tall,  with  expressive  and  benevo- 
lent features.  The  youth  of  Schehl  made  an  impression 
on  him,  and  he  asked  in  German :  "  My  little  fellow, 
are  you  already  a  soldier?" 

S.  At  your  service,  colonel. 

C.  How  old  are  you? 

S.  Fifteen  years,  colonel. 

C.  How  is  it  possible  that  you  at  your  young  age 
came  into  service? 

171 


S.  Only  my  passion  for  horses  induced  me  to  vol- 
unteer my  services  in  the  most  beautiful  regiment  of 
France,  as  trumpeter. 

C.  Can  you  ride  horseback  and  take  care  of  horses? 

S.  At  your  service,  colonel! 

C.  Where  are  the  many  prisoners  who  have  been 
brought  here,  according  to  reports  there  should  be  800. 

S.  What  you  see  here,  colonel,  is  the  sad  remainder 
of  those  800  men.    The  others  have  died. 

C.  Is  there  an  epidemic  disease  in  this  house  ? 

S.  Pardon  me,  colonel,  but  those  comrades  of  mine 
have  all  died  from  starvation;  for  during  the  six 
days  we  are  here  we  received  no  food. 

C.  What  you  say,  little  fellow,  cannot  be  true,  for  I 
have  ordered  to  give  you  the  prescribed  rations  of 
bread,  meat,  and  brandy,  the  same  as  are  given  to 
the  Russian  soldiers,  and  this  has  been  the  will  of  the 
Czar. 

S.  Excuse  me,  colonel,  I  have  told  the  truth,  and  if 
you  will  take  the  pains  to  walk  into  the  rear  yard  you 
will  see  the  corpses. 

The  colonel  went  and  convinced  himself  of  the  cor- 
rectness of  my  statement.  He  returned  in  the  greatest 
anger,  addressed  some  officer  in  Russian,  gave  some 
orders  and  went  along  the  front  to  hear  Schehl's  report 
confirmed  by  several  other  prisoners.  The  officer  who 
had  received  orders  returned,  accompanied  by  six 
Uhlans,  each  of  the  latter  with  hazelnut  sticks.  Now  the 
jailors  were  called  and  had  to  deliver  everything  which 
they  had  taken  from  their  prisoners;  unfortunately, 
SchehPs  clarinette  was  not  among  the  articles  that  were 
returned.  And  now  Schehl  witnessed  the  most  severe 
punishment  executed  on  the  jailors.  They  had  to 
remove  their  coats  and  were  whipped  with  such  can- 

172 


nibal  cruelty  that  bloody  pieces  of  flesh  were  torn  off 
their  backs,  and  some  had  to  be  carried  from  the  place. 
They  deserved  severe  punishment,  for  they  had  sold 
all  the  food  which  during  six  days  had  been  delivered 
to  them  for  800  men. 

The  surviving  prisoners  were  now  treated  well,  the 
colonel  took  Schehl  with  him  to  do  service  in  his 
castle. 

The  case  of  Karl  Schehl  is  a  typical  one. 

Holzhausen  has  collected  a  great  many  similar  ones 
from  family  papers,  which  never  before  had  been 
published.  x\ll  the  writers  of  these  papers  speak, 
exactly  like  Schehl,  in  plain,  truthful  language,  and  the 
best  proof  of  their  veracity  is  that  all,  independent  of 
each  other,  tell  the  same  story  of  savage  cruelty  and 
of  robbery.  All,  in  narrating  their  experiences,  do  not 
omit  any  detail,  all  give  dates  and  localities  which  they 
had  retained  exactly  from  those  fearful  days  which 
had  left  the  most  vivid  impressions.  There  is  much 
repetition  in  these  narrations,  for  all  had  experienced 
the  same. 

All  tell  that  the  Cossacks  were  the  first  to  rob  the 
prisoners.  These  irregular  soldiers  received  no  pay 
and  considered  it  their  right  to  compensate  themselves 
for  the  hardships  of  the  campaign  by  means  of  rob- 
bery. 

Besides  the  tales  collected  by  Holzhausen  I  can  refer 
to  many  other  writers,  Frenchmen,  the  Englishman 
Wilson,  and  even  Russians  among  them,  but  the  ma- 
terial is  so  voluminous  that  I  shall  confine  myself  to 
select  only  what  concerned  physicians  who  were  taken 
prisoners. 

The  Bavarian  Sanitary  Corps,  captured  at  Polotsk, 
after  having  been  mercilessly  robbed  by  Cossacks,  was 

173 


brought  before  a  Russian  General,  who  did  not  even 
take  notice  of  them.  It  was  only  after  Russian  phy- 
sicians interfered  in  their  behalf  that  they  obtained  a 
hearing  of  their  grievances. 

Prisoners  tell  touching  stories  how  they  were  saved 
by  German  physicians,  in  most  instances  from  typhus. 
In  almost  all  larger  Russian  cities  there  were  German 
physicians,  and  this  was  a  blessing  to  many  of  the 
prisoners.  Holzhausen  gives  the  names  of  several  of 
the  sick  and  the  names  of  the  physicians  who  spared 
no  pains  in  attending  to  the  sufferers. 

In  the  course  of  time  and  with  the  change  of  cir- 
cumstances the  lot  of  the  prisoners  in  general  was 
ameliorated,  and  in  many  instances  their  life  became 
comfortable.  Many  found  employment  as  farm  hands 
or  at  some  trade,  as  teachers  of  languages,  but  the 
principal  occupation  at  which  they  succeeded  was  the 
practice  of  medicine.  Whether  they  were  competent 
physicians  or  only  dilettantes  they  all  gained  the  con- 
fidence of  the  Russian  peasantry.  In  a  land  in  which 
physicians  are  scarce  the  followers  of  Aesculap  are 
highly  appreciated. 

When  a  Russian  peasant  had  overloaded  his  stomach 
and  some  harmless  mixture  or  decoction  given  him 
by  some  of  the  pseudo  physicians  had  had  a  good 
effect — post  hoc  ergo  propter  hoc — the  medicine  man 
who  had  come  from  far  away  was  highly  praised  and 
highly  recommended. 

Lieutenant  Furtenbach  treated  with  so-called  sym- 
pathetic remedies  and  had  a  success  which  surprised 
nobody  more  than  himself. 

Real  physicians  were  appreciated  by  the  educated 
and  influential  Russians  and  secured  a  more  lucrative 
practice  within   weeks   than  they   had  been   able  to 

174 


secure  after  years  at  home.  Dr.  Roos,  of  whom  I 
have  already  spoken,  having  been  taken  prisoner  near 
the  Beresina,  became  physician  to  the  hospitals  of 
Borisow  and  Schitzkow  and  soon  had  the  greatest 
private  practice  of  any  physician  in  the  vicinity;  he 
afterward  was  called  to  the  large  hospitals  in  St. 
Petersburg,  and  was  awarded  highest  honors  by  the 
Russian  government. 

More  remarkable  was  the  career  of  Adjutant  Braun 
which  has  been  told  by  his  friend,  Lieutenant  Peppier, 
who  acted  as  his  assistant. 

Braun  had  studied  medicine  for  a  while,  but  ex- 
changed sound  and  lancet  for  the  musket.  As  prisoner 
of  war,  at  the  urgent  request  of  his  friend  Peppier,  he 
utilized  his  unfinished  studies.  Venaesection  was  very 
popular  in  Russia,  he  secured  a  lancet,  a  German 
tailor  made  rollers  hor  him,  and  soon  he  shed  much 
Russian  blood.  The  greatest  triumph,  however,  of 
the  two  Aesculapians  was  Braun's  successful  operation 
for  cataract  which  he  performed  on  a  police  officer, 
his  instrument  being  a  rusty  needle.  The  description 
of  the  operating  scene  during  which  the  assistant 
Peppier  trembled  from  excitement  is  highly  dramatic. 
Braun  became  the  favorite  of  the  populace  and  every- 
body regretted  that  he  left  when  he  was  free. 


175 


TREATMENT  OF  TYPHUS 

Among  the  old  publications  referring  to  the  medical 
history  of  Napoleon's  campaign  in  Russia  I  found 
one  of  a  Prussian  army  physician,  Dr.  Krantz,  pub- 
lished in  the  year  1817  with  the  following  title:  Be- 
merkungen  uber  den  Gang  der  Krankheiten  welche 
in  der  koniglich  preussischen  Armee  vom  Ausbruch 
des  Krieges  im  Jahre  181 2  bis  zu  Ende  des  WafTen- 
stillstandes  (im  Aug.)  181 3  geherrscht  haben.  (Re- 
marks on  the  course  of  the  Diseases  which  have 
reigned  in  the  Royal  Prussian  Army  from  the  Be- 
ginning of  the  War  in  the  Year  1812  until  the  End  of 
the  Armistice  [in  August]  1813).  From  this  I  shall 
give  the  following  extract : 

It  is  well  known  that  the  soldiers  constituting  the 
wreck  of  the  Grand  Army  wherever  they  passed  on 
their  way  from  Russia  through  Germany  spread  ruin ; 
their  presence  brought  death  to  thousands  of  peaceful 
citizens.  Even  those  who  were  apparently  well  carried 
the  germs  of  disease  with  them,  for  we  found  whole 
families,  says  Krantz,  in  whose  dwelling  soldiers, 
showing  no  signs  of  disease,  had  stayed  over  night, 
stricken  down  with  typhus.  The  Prussian  soldiers 
of  York's  corps  had  not  been  with  the  Grand  Army 
in  Moscow,  and  there  was  no  typhus  among  them  until 
they  followed  the  French  on  their  road  of  retreat  from 
Russia.     From  this  moment  on,  however,  the  disease 

176 


spread  with  the  greatest  rapidity  in  the  whole  Prussian 
army  corps,  and  this  spreading  took  place  with  a  cer- 
tain uniformity  among  the  different  divisions.  On 
account  of  the  overflowing  of  the  rivers,  the  men  had 
to  march  closely  together  on  the  road,  at  least  until 
they  passed  the  Vistula  near  Dirschau,  Moeve,  and 
Marienwerder.  Of  the  rapid  extent  of  the  infection 
we  can  form  an  idea  when  we  learn  the  following 
facts :  In  the  first  East  Prussian  regiment  of  infantry, 
when  it  came  to  the  Vistula,  there  was  not  a  single 
case  of  typhus,  while  after  a  march  of  14  miles  on 
the  highway  which  the  French  had  passed  before  them 
there  were  15  to  20  men  sick  in  every  company,  every 
tenth  or  even  every  seventh  man.  In  those  divisions 
which  had  been  exposed  to  infection  while  in  former 
cantonments,  the  cases  were  much  more  numerous,  20 
to  30  in  every  company. 

Simultaneously  with  typhus  there  appeared  the 
first  cases  of  an  epidemic  ophthalmy.  Although  the 
eye  affection  was  not  as  general  as  the  typhus — it  oc- 
curred only  in  some  of  the  divisions,  and  then  at  the 
outset  not  so  severely  as  later  on — both  evils  were 
evidently  related  to  each  other  by  a  common  causal 
nexus.  They  appeared  simultaneously  under  similar 
circumstances,  but  never  attacked  simultaneously  the 
same  individual.  Whoever  had  ophthalmy  was  immune 
against  typhus  and  vice  versa,  and  this  immunity  fur- 
nished by  one  against  the  other  evil  lasted  a  long 
period  of  time.  Both  diseases  were  very  often  cured 
on  the  march.  We  found  confirmed,  says  Krantz,  what 
had  been  asserted  a  long  time  before  by  experienced 
physicians,  that  cold  air  had  the  most  beneficial  effect 
during  the  inflammatory  stage  of  contagious  typhus. 
For  this  reason  the  soldiers  who  presented  the  first 

177 


well-known  symptoms  of  typhus  infection:  headache, 
nausea,  vertigo,  etc.,  were  separated  from  their  healthy 
comrades  and  entrusted  to  medical  care,  and  this  con- 
sisted, except  in  the  case  of  extraordinarily  grave 
symptoms,  in  dressing  the  patient  with  warm  clothing 
and  placing  him  for  the  march  on  a  wagon  where  he 
was  covered  all  over  with  straw.  The  wagon  was 
driven  fast,  to  follow  the  corps,  but  halted  frequently 
on  the  way  at  houses  where  tea  (Infusum  Chamo- 
millae,  species  aromaticarum,  etc.)  with  or  without 
wine  or  spiritus  sulphuricus  aetherius  were  prepared; 
of  this  drink  the  patient  was  given  a  few  cupfuls  to 
warm  him.  As  a  precaution  against  frost,  which 
proved  to  be  a  very  wise  one,  hands  and  feet  were 
wrapped  in  rags  soaked  in  spiritus  vini  camphoratus. 
For  quarters  at  night  isolated  houses  were  selected 
for  their  reception — a  precaution  taught  by  sad  expe- 
rience— and  surgeons  or  couriers  who  had  come  there 
in  advance  had  made  the  best  preparations  possi- 
ble. All  the  hospitals  between  the  Vistula  and  Ber- 
lin, constantly  overfilled,  were  thoroughly  infected,  and 
thus  transformed  into  regular  pest-houses  exhaling 
perdition  to  every  one  who  entered,  the  physicians  and 
attendants  included.  On  the  other  hand,  most  of  the 
patients  who  were  treated  on  the  march  recovered.  Of 
31  cases  of  typhus  of  the  2d.  battalion  of  the  infantry 
guards  transported  from  Tilsit  to  Tuchel,  only  one 
died,  while  the  remaining  30  regained  their  health  com- 
pletely, a  statistical  result  as  favorable  as  has  hardly 
ever  happened  in  the  best  regulated  hospital  and  which 
is  the  more  surprising  on  account  of  the  severe  form  of 
the  disease  at  that  time.  An  equally  favorable  result 
was  obtained  in  the  first  East  Prussian  regiment  of  in- 
fantry on  the  march  from  the  Vistula  to  the  Spree. 

178 


There  was  not  a  single  death  on  the  march;  of  330 
patients  300  recovered,  30  were  sent  into  hospitals  of 
Elbing,  Maerkisch  Friedland,  Conitz,  and  Berlin,  and 
the  same  excellent  results  were  reported  from  other 
divisions  of  the  corps  where  the  same  method  had 
been  followed. 

A  most  remarkable  observation  among  the  immense 
number  of  patients  was  that  they  seldom  presented  a 
stage  of  convalescence.  Three  days  after  they  had 
been  free  from  fever  for  24  hours  they  were  fit, 
without  baggage,  for  a  half  or  even  a  whole  day's 
march.  If  the  recovery  had  not  been  such  a  speedy 
one,  says  Krantz,  how  could  all  the  wagons  have  been 
secured  in  that  part  of  the  country  devastated  by  war 
for  the  transportation  of  the  many  hundreds  of  sick. 

At  the  beginning  of  the  sickness  a  vomitium  of 
ipecacuanha  and  tartarus  stibiatus  was  administered 
(though  on  the  march  no  real  medical  treatment  was 
attempted)  ;  later  on  aether  vitrioli  with  tinctura  Va- 
lerianae, tinctura  aromatica  and  finally  tinctura  chinae 
composita  aurantiorum  with  good  wine,  etc.,  were 
given.  It  is  interesting  to  read  Krantz's  statement  of 
how  much  some  physicians  were  surprised  who  had 
been  accustomed  to  treat  their  patients  in  hospitals 
according  to  the  principles  of  that  period,  which  con- 
sisted in  the  exclusion  of  fresh  air  and  the  hourly 
administration  of  medicine.  The  mortality  of  those 
treated  on  the  march  in  the  manner  described  was 
never  more  than  2  to  3  per  cent. 

As  already  mentioned,  an  epidemic  ophthalmy  spread 
simultaneously  with  typhus  among  a  large  number 
of  the  troops  returning  from  Courland,  especially 
among  those  who  formed  the  rear  guard,  in  which  was 

179 


the  first  East  Prussian  regiment  to  which  Krantz  was 
attached. 

In  a  far  greater  proportion  the  men  of  the  two 
Prussian  cavalry  regiments  and  artillery  batteries 
which  Napoleon  had  taken  with  him  to  Moscow,  that 
is  into  ruin,  succumbed  to  the  morbid  potencies  which 
acted  upon  them  from  all  sides. 

On  March  17th.,  1813,  York's  corps  entered  Berlin, 
and  from  this  time  on  contagious  typhus  disappeared 
almost  completely  in  this  army  division.  It  is  true 
that  occasionally  a  soldier  was  attacked,  but  the  num- 
ber of  these  was  insignificant,  and  the  character  of  the 
sickness  was  mild.  Other  internal  diseases  were  also 
infrequent  among  these  troops  during  that  time. 
Epidemic  ophthalmy,  however,  was  very  prevalent  in 
the  East  Prussian  regiment  of  infantry.  From  Feb- 
ruary, 1 81 3,  until  the  day  of  the  battle  of  Leipzig, 
700  men  were  treated  for  this  disease.  The  character 
of  this  ophthalmy  was  mild,  and  under  treatment  the 
patients  completely  recovered  within  a  few  days  (nine 
days  at  most)  without  any  destructive  lesion  remain- 
ing. Quite  different  from  this  form  was  a  severe 
ophthalmy  which  appeared  in  the  army  toward  the 
end  of  the  year  1813,  and  also  during  the  years  1814 
and  1815. 


ISO 


AFTER  THE  SECOND,  CROSSING  OF 
THE  NIEMEN 

Out  of  the  enemy's  country,  on  their  way  home, 
the  soldiers  had  by  no  means  reached  the  limit  of  their 
sufferings.  Instead  of  being  able  now  to  take  the  much 
longed  for  and  so  much  needed  rest  they  were  com- 
pelled to  keep  on  marching  in  order  to  reach  the 
meeting  places  designated  to  them,  the  principal  one 
of  which  was  Koenigsberg. 

Before  entering  Prussia  they  had  to  pass  through 
a  district  which  was  inhabited  by  Lithuanians  who 
had  suffered  very  much  from  the  army  passing  on 
the  march  to  Moscow,  and  who  now  took  revenge  on 
the  retreating  soldiers. 

Most  happy  were  the  Germans  of  the  army  breath- 
ing again  the  air  of  their  native  country,  and  they 
could  not  restrain  their  feelings  when  they  found 
themselves  in  clean  dwellings. 

Their  first  occupation  was  to  restore  themselves  in 
regard  to  cleanliness,  to  free  their  faces  from  a  thick 
covering  of  dirt  intensified  by  smoke  which  could  be 
compared  with  a  mask.  All  these  unfortunate  men 
wore  this  mask,  but,  as  they  said  while  in  Moscow, 
without  any  desire  to  dance.  Especially  the  better 
educated  ones  among  them  felt  ashamed  to  present 
themselves  in  this  condition  in  which  they  had  dragged 
themselves  through  Russia  and  Poland. 

181 


On  December  16th,  von  Borcke  and  his  General, 
von  Ochs,  came  to  Schirwind,  for  the  first  time  again 
in  a  Prussian  city.  Quarters  were  assigned  to  them 
in  one  of  the  best  houses,  the  house  of  the  widow  of  a 
Prussian  officer.  The  lady,  on  seeing  the  two  entering 
the  house,  was  astonished  to  learn  that  they  were  a 
general  with  his  adjutant,  and  that  they  should  be 
her  guests.  Nothing  about  them  indicated  their  rank, 
they  were  wrapped  in  sheepskins  and  rags  full  of 
dirt,  blackened  by  the  smoke  from  the  camp  fires, 
with  long  beards,  frozen  hands  and  feet. 

On  January  2nd.,  1813,  these  two  officers  arrived 
at  Thorn.  They  considered  themselves  saved  from 
the  great  catastrophe,  when  there,  like  in  all  places  to 
which  the  wrecks  of  the  grand  army  had  come,  typhus 
broke  out.  General  von  Ochs  was  stricken  down  with 
this  disease,  and  his  condition  did  not  warrant  any 
hopes  for  recovery.  His  son,  however,  who  had  gone 
through  the  whole  retreat  wounded  and  sick  with 
typhus,  whom  the  general  and  his  adjutant  had 
brought  from  Borodino  in  a  wagon  under  incredible 
difficulties,  had  recovered  and  was  able  to  nurse  his 
father. 

And  General  von  Ochs  came  home  with  his  Adju- 
tant, von  Borcke,  on  February  20th.,  1813. 

Good  people  took  pains  to  give  their  guests  an 
opportunity  to  clean  themselves  thoroughly;  the  well- 
to-do  had  their  servants  attend  to  this  process;  in 
houses  of  the  working  class  man  and  wife  would  give 
a  helping  hand. 

Sergeant  Schoebel,  together  with  a  comrade,  was 
quartered  in  the  house  of  an  honest  tailor  who,  seeing 
how  the  soldiers  were  covered  with  lice,  made  them 
undress    and,    while   the   wife   boiled   the   undergar- 

182 


merits,  the  tailor  ironed  the  outer  clothing  with  a  hot 
iron. 

Generous  people  tried  to  ameliorate  in  every  manner 
possible  the  need  which  presented  itself  in  such  a 
pitiful  form. 

Lieutenant  Schauroth  was  sitting  in  despair  at  a 
table  in  an  inn  when  one  nobleman  pressed  a  double 
Louisd'or  into  his  hand  and  another  placed  his  sleigh 
at  the  lieutenant's  disposal  to  continue  his  journey. 

In  Tapiau  a  carpenter's  helper,  himself  a  very  poor 
man,  begged  among  his  friends  to  obtain  a  suit  of 
clothes  for  Sergeant  Steinmueller,  whom  he  had  never 
known  before. 

But  cases  of  this  kind  were  the  exeception;  in  gen- 
eral the  Prussian  peasants  remembered  the  many  ex- 
cesses which,  notwithstanding  Napoleon's  strict  orders, 
the  soldiers  had  committed  on  their  march  through 
East  Prussia;  they  remembered  the  requisitions,  they 
felt  the  plight  of  Prussia  since  the  battle  of  Jena,  and 
they  revenged  themselves  on  the  French  especially,  but 
even  the  Germans  of  Napoleon's  soldiers  had  to  suffer 
from  the  infuriated,  pitiless  peasantry.  Holzhausen 
describes  scenes  which  were  not  less  atrocious  than 
those  enacted  by  Russian  peasants. 

And  those  who  were  treated  kindly  had  the  most 
serious  difficulties:  the  sudden  change  from  misery 
to  regular  life  caused  many  serious  disorders  of  the 
organs  of  digestion,  innervation  and  circulation.  All 
who  have  been  in  the  field  during  our  civil  war  know 
how  long  it  took  before  they  were  able  again  to  sleep 
in  a  bed.  The  Napoleonic  soldiery  describe  how  the 
warmth  of  the  bed  brought  on  the  most  frightful 
mental  pictures ;  they  saw  burnt,  frozen,  and  mutilated 
comrades  and  had  to  try  to  find  rest  on  the  floor, 

1S3 


their  nervous  and  their  circulatory  systems  were  ex- 
cited to  an  intolerable  degree.  After  eating  they  vom- 
ited, and  only  gradually  the  ruined  stomach  became 
accustomed  again,  first,  to  thin  soups  and,  later  on,  to 
a  more  substantial  diet. 

How  much  they  had  suffered  manifested  itself  in 
many  ways  after  the  thick  crust  had  been  removed 
from  their  body  and,  above  all,  after  what  had  taken 
the  place  of  shoes  had  been  taken  off.  When  Ser- 
geant Toenges  removed  the  rags  from  his  feet  the 
flesh  of  both  big  toes  came  off.  Captain  Graven- 
reuth's  boots  had  been  penetrated  by  matter  and  ichor. 
Painful  operations  had  to  be  performed  to  separate 
gangraenous  parts.  In  Marienwerder  Hochberg 
found  all  the  attendants  of  Marshal  Victor  on  the 
floor  while  a  surgeon  was  amputating  their  limbs. 

But  these  were  comparatively  minor  affairs,  ampu- 
tated limbs  played  no  roll  when  hundreds  of  thou- 
sands of  mutilated  corpses  rested  on  the  fields  of 
Russia. 

An  enemy  more  vicious  than  the  one  that  had  deci- 
mated the  beautiful  army  was  lying  in  wait  for  the 
last  remainder  which  tried  to  rally  again. 

It  was  the  typhus  that  on  the  road  from  Moscow 
all  through  Germany  and  through  France  did  its 
destructive  work. 

This  disease  had  been  observed,  as  Dr.  Geissler  re- 
ports, first  in  Moscow,  ravaged  most  terribly  in  Wilna 
and  held  a  second  great  harvest  in  Koenigsberg,  where 
the  first  troops  arrived  on  December  20th. 

One-half  of  those  who  had  been  attacked  suc- 
cumbed, although  the  hospitals  of  Koenigsberg  were 
ideal  ones  compared  with  those  of  Wilna. 

Geissler  and  his  colleague  had  to  work  beyond  de- 
184 


scription  to  ameliorate  and  to  console;  help  was  im- 
possible in  the  majority  of  cases. 

The  physicians  of  Koenigsberg  were  not  as  lucky 
as  Dr.  Krantz,  whose  patients  were  in  the  open  air 
instead  of  being  confined  in  a  hospital. 

It  is  heartrending  to  read  how  so  many  who  had 
withstood  so  much,  escaped  so  many  dangers,  had  to 
die  now.  One  of  these  was  General  Eble,  the  hero 
of  the  Beresina. 


1S5 


LITERATURE. 

Beaupre,  Moricheau.  A  Treatise  on  the  Effects  and  Prop- 
erties of  Cold  with  a  Sketch,  Historical  and  Medical,  of  the 
Russian  Campaign.  Translated  by  John  Clendining  with 
Appendix  xviii,  375  pp.,  8  vo.  Edinburgh,  Maclachnan  and 
Stewart   1826. 

Bleibtreu,  Carl.  Die  Grosse  Armee.  Zu  ihrer  Jahrhun- 
dertfeier.  3.  Band.  Smolensk — Moskau — Beresina.  Stutt- 
gart,   1908. 

,    Marschalle,    Generate.      Soldaten,    Napoleon's    I. 

Berlin  (without  date). 

von  Borcke,  Johann.    Kriegerleben  1806-1815.    Berlin,  1888. 

Bunoust,  Martin.  Considerations  generates  sur  la  congela- 
tion pendant  l'ivresse,  observee  en  Russie  en  1812.    Paris,  1817. 

Brandt.  Aus  dem  Leben  des  Generals  Heinrich  von  Brandt. 
Berlin,   1870. 

Carpon,  Chirurgien.  Majeur  de  la  Grande  Armee,  Les 
Morts  de  Wilna.    La  France  Medicate,  1902,  pp.  457-63. 

Chuquet,  Arthur.  1812  La  Guerre  de  Russie.  3  vols. 
Paris,  1912. 

Ebstein,  Dr.  Wilhelm.  Geh.  Medizinalrat  und  Professor 
der  Medizin  an  der  Universitat  Goettingen,  Die  Krankheiten 
im  Feldzuge  gegen  Russland  (1812).  Eine  geschichtlich- 
medizinische  Studie.     Stuttgart,  1902. 

Gourgaud,  General  G.  de.  Napoleons  Gedanken  und 
Erinnerungen,  St.  Helena,  1815-1818,  Nach  dem  1898  verof- 
fentlichten  Tagebuch  deutsch  bearbeitet  von  Heinrich  Conrad. 
7.  Aufl.     Stuttgart,  1901.      Illustrated. 

Holzhausen,  Paul.  Die  Deutschen  in  Russland,  1812. 
Leben  und  Leiden  auf  der  Moskauer  Heerfahrt.  2  vols. 
Berlin,   1912. 

Kerckhove,  J.  R.  de.  Chirurgien-en-Chef  des  Hopitaux  mili- 
tairs,   Histoire   des   maladies   observees   a   la   grande   Armee 

186 


franchise  pendant  les  campagnes  de  Russie  en  1812.  2  vols. 
l'Allemagne  en  1813.    Anvers,   1836. 

Kielland.  Alexander  L.  Rings  urn  Napoleon.  Uebersetzt 
von  Dr.  Friedrich  Leskien  und  Marie  Leskien-Lie.  3  Auflage. 
2  vols.    Leipzig,  1907.     Illustrated. 

Krantz,  Dr.  Bemerkungen  uber  den  Gang  der  Krankhei- 
ten  welche  in  der  Konigl.  preuss.  Armee  vom  Ausbruche 
des  Krieges  im  Jahr  1812  bis  zu  Ende  des  Waffenstillstandes 
(im  Aug.)  1813  geherrscht  haben.  Magazin  f.  d.  ges.  Heil- 
kunde.      Berlin,   1817. 

Lossberg,  Generallieutenant  von.  Briefe  in  die  Hei- 
math.  Geschrieben  wahrend  des  Feldzugs  1812  in  Russ- 
land.     Leipzig,  1848. 

de  Mazade,  Ch.  Le  Comte  Rostopchine.  Revue  des  Deux 
Mondes,   Sept.   15,   1863. 

Rambaud,  Alf.  La  Grande  Armee  a  Moscou  d'apres  les 
recits  russes.      Revue  des  Deux  Mondes,  July  1,  1873. 

Schehl,  Karl.  Mit  der  grossen  Armee  1812  von  Krefeld 
nach  Moskau.  Erlebnisse  des  niederrheinischen  Veteranen 
Karl  Schehl.  Herausgegeben  von  Seinem  Grossneffen  Ferd, 
Schehl,   Krefeld.    Dusseldorf,    1912. 

de  Scherer,  Joannes.  Historia  morborum,  qui  in  expeditione 
contra  Russian  anno  MDCCCXII  facta  legiones  Wuerttem- 
bergica  invaserunt,  praesertim  eorem,  qui  frigore  orti  sunt. 
Inaugural  Dissertation.      Tuebingen,  1820. 

Thiers,  A.    Histoire  du   Consulat  et  de  TEmpire. 

von  Yelin.  In  Russland  1812.  Aus  dem  Tagebuch  des 
wiirttembergischen  Offiziers  von  Yelin.  Munchen,  191 1. 
Illustrated. 

Zelle,  Dr.  W.  Stabsarzt  A.  D.,  Kreisarzt,  1812.  Das  Voel- 
kerdrama  in  Russland.      2.   Auf.     (Without  date.) 


187 


INDEX 


Alcoholic  Beverages,  17 
Alexander  the  Great,  71 
Anthouard,    100 

Basilius  Monastery,  140 
Beaupre,  70,  88 
Belle-Isle,   72 
Beresina,  106 
Berlin,    178 
Berthier,  144 
Borcke,  von,  18,  103 
Borisow,    109 
Borodino,  30 
Bourgeois,  38 
Bourgogne,   138 
Brandt,    von,    150 
Braun,  175 

Carpon,    102 
Caulaincourt,  1 
Cesarian  Insanity,  4 
Charles  XII,  71 
Chasseloup,  no 
Commanders,  8,  9 
Compans,  93 
Constant,  102 
Corbineau,   109 
Corvisart,   5 


Crossing  the   Niemen,   1 
Curtius,  71 

Description    of    diseases    100 

Years  Ago,  36 
Dirschau,  177 
Dorogobouge,  94 
Doumerc,  125 
Dresden,  2 
Dysentery,  n 

Eble,  109 
Ebstein,  19 
Egloffstein,    136 

Fournier,  121 
Friant,  93 
Furtenbach,  174 

Gangraene,    101 
Geissler,   133 
Ghjat,  76 
Girard,  132 
Glinka,  61 
Goina,  156 
Gordon,  159 
Gourgaud,  135 
189 


Gravenreuth,  184 
Grolmann,  von,  142 

Happrecht,  von,  87 
Hochberg,   von,   132 
Holzhausen,    132 
Huber,   126 

Uiya,   152 
Inoralow,  86 

Jacobs,   136 
Jacqueminot,    1 1 1 
Jaroslawetz,   65 
Jews,  139 

Kalkreuter,   von,    13 
Kalouga,   65 
Karpisz,  157 
Keller,  von,  81 
Kerchhove,  28 
Kerner,  von,  95 
Kohlreuter,  von,  86 
Koenigsberg,    101 
Kowno,   137 
Krantz,  37,  176 
Krapowna,    132 
Krasnoe,  83 
Kuhn,  140 
Kvass,  168 
Kurakin,  5 
Kutusof,   68 

Laplander,  74 
Larrey,   105 
Lauriston,  114 
Legrand,  125 
Leppich's  Airship,  60 
Loison,   132 
Lossberg,  von,  21 
Louis  XVIII,  96 


Maciejowski,   160 
Maison,  125 
Malczowski,  159 
Malodeszno,  132 
Maloijorolawez,  76 
Marienwerder,   177 
Mergentheim,  86 
Miednicki,  156 
Miloradovitch,  93 
Mohilew,    28 
Molodetchno,  150 
Montholon,  6 
Moscow,   41 
Moeve,    177 
Murat  at  Thorn,  22 

Ochmiana,  156 
Ochs,   von,    182 
Oginsky,    132 
Ophthalmy,  179 
Orlowski,   171 
Orscha,  83 
Ostrowno,  28 

Partouneaux,  116 
Peppier,   175 
Phtheiriasis,  102 
Picart,    138 
Platow,    100 
Plechtchenissi,  150 
Polotsk,  29 
Prisoners  of  War,  162 

Retreat  from  Moscow,  64 
Ribes,   124 
Roeder,   139 
Roos,   de,  126 
Rostopchine,  45 
Rudloff,   156 


Samoide,  74 
Schauroth,  183 


190 


Schehl,   162 
Scherer,  von,  II,  74 
Schirwind,  182 
Schmetter,  von,  86 
Schoebel,  182 
Shoes,  103 
Siberia,  73 
Smolensk,  29,  104 
Smorgoni,  132 
Soden,  von,  141 
Steinmiiller,   183 
Strizzowan,  15 
Studianka,  109 
Suckow,  103 

Tapian,   183 
Tchitchakoff,  113 
Theuss,   142 
Thiers,   109 
Tilsit,   178 
Toenges,  132 
Tschaplitz,  113 
Tuchel,   178 
Turenne,  146 


Victor,   116 
Vop,  99 

Wasilenka,   158 
Westphalians,  32 
Wiasma,  94 
Wilna,  128 
Wilson,  20 
Witepsk,  28 
Wittgenstein,  116 
Wrede,  von,  132 

Xenophon,    74 

Yelin,  141 
Yermaloff,  118 

Zayonchek,  125 
Zawnicki,  115 
Zazale,   99 
Zelinski,   157 
Zembin,  147 


191 


SUBSCRIPTION  LIST. 

3  Dr.  H.  J.  Achard,  Ravenswood,  Chicago. 

I  Dr.  Fred.  H.  Albee,  125  W.  58th  Street,  N.  Y.  City. 

1  Dr.  W.  T.  Alexander,  940  St.  Nicholas  Avenue,  N.  Y.  City. 

1  Rev.  Mother  Alphonsus,  School  of  St.  Angela,  N.  Y.  City. 

1  Mr.  Gustav  Amberg,  N.  Y.  City. 

1  Dr.  Ernest  F.  Apeldom,  21 13  Howard  St.,  Philadelphia,  Pa. 

1  Dr.  S.  T.  Armstrong,  Hillbourne  Farms,  Katonah,  N.  Y. 

1  Dr.  M.  Aronson,  1875  Madison  Avenue,  N.  Y.  City. 

1  Dr.  C.  E.  Atwood,  14  E.  60th  Street,  N.  Y.  City. 

1  Dr  John  Waite  Avery,  295  Atlantic  Street,  Stamford,  Conn. 

1  Dr.  Arcadius  Avellanus,  47  W.  52nd  Street,  N.  Y.  City. 

1  Dr.  Frederick  A.  Baldwin,  4500  Olive  Street,  St.  Louis,  Mo. 

1  Dr.  Richard  T.  Bang,  139  W.  nth  Street,  N.  Y.  City. 

1  Mr.  R.  G.  Barthold,  57  W.  92nd  Street,  N.  Y.  City. 

1  Dr.  James  E.  Baylis,  Medical  Corps  U.  S.  A.,  Ft.  D.  A. 

Russell,  Wyo. 
1  Mr.  N.  Becher,  361  Crescent  Street,  Brooklyn,  N.  Y. 
1  Mr.  E.  Bilhuber,  45  John  Street,  N.  Y.  City. 
1  Dr.  G.  F.  Bond,  960  N.  Broadway,  Yonkers,  N.  Y. 
10  Hon.  D.  N.  Botassi,  Consul  General  of  Greece,  N.  Y.  City. 
1  Dr.  Arthur  A.  Boyer,  11  E.  48th  Street,  N.  Y.  City. 
1  Dr.  John  W.  Brannan,  n  W.  12th  Street,  N.  Y.  City. 
1  Dr.  G.  E.  Brewer,  61  W.  48th  Street,  N.  Y.  City. 
3  Dr.  Ira  C.  Brown,  Medical  Army  Corps,  E.     3  Kinnean 

Apts.,  Seattle,  Wash. 
1  Dr.  A.  F.  Brugman,  163  W.  85th  Street,  N.  Y.  City. 
1  Dr.  Peter  A.  Callan,  452  Fifth  Avenue,  N.  Y.  City. 
1  Dr.  Arch.  M.  Campbell,  36  First  Avenue,  Mt.  Vernon,  N.  Y. 
1  Dr.  Arturo  Carbonell,  1st  Lient.  U.  S.  A.,  San  Juan,  Porto 

Rico. 
1  Dr.  C.  E.  Carter,  Boston  Building,  Salt  Lake  City,  Utah. 
1  Dr.  Geo.  P.  Castritsy,  230  W.  95th  Street,  N.  Y.  City. 

192 


i  Miss  Florence  E.  de  Cerkez,  411  W.  114th  Street,  N  Y.  City. 
1  Dr.  H.  N.  Chapman,  3814  Washington  BL,  St.  Louis,  Mo. 

1  Dr.  F.  R.  Chambers,  15  Exchance  Place,  Jersey  City,  N.  J. 

2  Mrs.  Mary  Lefferts-Claus,  Brookwood,  Cobham,  Va. 
1  Dr.  Fred.  J.  Conzelmann,  Wards  Island,  N.  Y.  City. 
1  Dr.  John  McCoy,  157  W.  73rd  Street,  N.  Y.  City. 

1  Rev.  D.  F.  Coyle,  Crotona  Parkway,  176th  Street,  N.  Y. 
City. 

1  Rt.  Rev.  Thos.  F.  Cusack,  142  E.  29th  Street,  N.  Y.  City. 

1  Dr.  F.  L.  Davis,  4902  Page  BL,  St.  Louis,  Mo. 

1  Dr.  A.  E.  Davis,  50  W.  37th  Street,  N.  Y.  City. 

1  Mr.  C.  E.  Dean,  37  Wall  Street,  N  Y.  City. 

1  Mr.  A.  Drivas,  340-42  E.  33rd  Street,  N.  Y.  City. 

1  Dr.  Louis  C.  Duncan,  Capt.  Med.  Corps,  U.  S.  A.,  Wash- 
ington, D.  C. 

1  Dr.  J.  H.  Erling,  Jr.,  150  W.  96th  Street,  N.  Y.  City. 

1  Mrs.  Clinton  Pinckney  Farrell,  117  E.  21st  Street,  N.  Y. 
City. 

1  Dr.  Albert  Warren  Ferris,  The  Glen  Springs,  Watkins, 
N.  Y. 

1  Dr.  Geo.  Fischer,  90  Auburn  Street,  Paterson,  N.  J. 

1  Dr.  H.  Fischer,  11 1  E.  81  st  Street,  N.  Y.  City. 

1  Dr.  Wm.  F.  Fluhrer,  507  Madison  Avenue,  N.  Y.  City. 

3  Dr.  F.  Foerster,  926  Madison  Avenue,  N.  Y.  City. 

1  Dr.  Russell  S.  Fowler,  301  DeKalb  Avenue,  Brooklyn,  N.  Y. 

1  Dr.  Louis  Friedman,  262  W.  113th  Street,  N.  Y.  City. 

1  Dr.  Robt.  M.  Funkhouser,  4354  Olive  Street,  St.  Louis,  Mo. 

1  Dr.  A.  E.  Gallant,  540  Madison  Avenue,  N.  Y.  City. 

1  Messrs  F.  Gerolimatos  and  Co.,  194  Avenue  B,  N.  Y.  City. 

1  Mr.  Jose  G.  Garcia,  1090  St.  Nicholas  Avenue,  N.  Y.  City. 

1  Dr.  Samuel  M.  Garlich,  474  State  Street,  Bridgeport,  Conn. 

1  Dr.  H.  J.  Garrigues,  Tryon,  N.  C. 

1  Mrs.  Isabella  Gatslick,  519  W.  143rd  Street,  N.  Y.  City. 

1  Dr.  Arpad  G.  Gerster,  34  E.  75th  Street,  N.  Y.  City. 

1  Mr.  H.  F.  Glenn,  324  W.  Washington  Street,  Fort  Wayne, 

Ind. 
1  Mr.    J.    Goldschmidt,    Publisher    Deutsche    Med.    Presse, 

Berlin,  Germany. 
1  Dr.  Hermann  Grad,  159  W.  120th  Street,  N.  Y.  City. 
1  Mr.   Gromaz  von  Gromadzinski,  365  Edgecombe  Avenue, 

N.  Y.  City. 

193 


I  Dr.  Jas.  T.  Gwathmey,  40  E.  41st  Street,  N.  Y.  City. 

1  Dr.  H.  R.  Gundermaii,  Selby,  South  Dakota. 

1  Dr.  F.  J.  Haneman,  219  Burnett  Street,  East  Orange,  N.  J. 

1  Dr.  Harold  Hays,  11  W.  81  st  Street,  N.  Y.  City. 

1  Dr.  Wm.  Van  V.  Hayes,  34  W.  50th  Street,  N.  Y.  City. 

1  Dr.  I.  S.  Haynes,  107  W.  85th  Street,  N.  Y.  City. 

1  Dr.  Louis  Heitzmann,  no  W.  78th  Street,  N.  Y.  City. 

1  Dr.  Johnson  Held,  616  Madison  Avenue,  N.  Y.  City. 

1  Mr.  F.  Herrmann,  37  Wall  Street,  N.  Y.  City. 

1  Dr.  Abraham  Heyman,  40  E.  41st  Street,  N.  Y.  City. 

1  Dr.  Thos.  A.  Hopkins,  St.  Louis,  Mo. 

1  Dr.  John  Horn,  72  E.  92nd  Street,  N.  Y.  City. 

1  Dr.  B.  W.  Hoagland,  Woodbridge,  N.  J. 

1  Dr.  Chas.  H.  Hughes,  3858  W.  Pine  BL,  St.  Louis,  Mo. 

1  Dr.  L.  M.  Hurd,  15  E.  48th  Street,  N.  Y.  City. 

1  Rev.  Mother  Ignatius,  College  of  New  Rochelle,  N.  Y. 

I  Dr.  H.  Illoway,  n  13  Madison  Avenue,  N.  Y.  City. 

1  Dr.  C.  J.  Imperatori,  245  W.  102nd  Street,  N.  Y.  City. 

1  Miss  Maud  Ingersoll,  117  E.  21st  Street,  N.  Y.  City. 

1  Dr.  Walter  B.  Jennings,   140  Wadsworth  Avenue,  N.  Y. 

City. 
1  Dr.  George  B.  Jones,  1st  Lieut.  Med.  Corps,  Las  Cascadas 

Panama  Canal  Zone. 
1  Dr.  Oswald  Joerg,  12  Schermerhorn  Street,  Brooklyn,  N.  Y. 
1  Mr.  John  Kakavos,  636  Lexington  Avenue,  N.  Y.  City. 
1  Mr.  Albert  Karg,  469  Fourth  Avenue,  N.  Y.  City. 
1  Rev.  Arthur  C.  Kenny,  408  W.  124th  Street,  N.  Y.  City. 
1  Dr.    E.    D.    Kilbourne,    Capt.    Med.    Corps,    U.     S.    A., 

Columbus,  O. 
1  Dr.  H.  Kinner,  1103  Rutges  Street,  St.  Louis,  Mo. 
5  Mr.  Richard  Kny,  Pres.  Kny  Scheerer  Co.,  N.  Y.  City. 
1  Dr.  A.  Knoll,  Ludwigshafen,  Germany. 
3  Dr.  S.  Alphonsus  Knopf,  16  W.  95th  Street,  N.  Y.  City. 
1  Dr.  S.  J.  Kopetzky,  616  Madison  Avenue,  N.  Y.  City. 
1  Dr.  John  E.  Kumpf,  302  E.  30th  Street,  N.  Y.  City. 
1  Rev.  Mother  Lauretta,   Middletown,   N.   Y. 
1  Dr.  M.  D.  Lederman,  58  E.  75th  Street,  N.  Y.  City. 
5  Messrs.  Lekas  and  Drivas,  17  Roosevelt  Street,  N.  Y.  City. 
5  Messrs.  Lemcke  and  Buechner,  30  W.  27th  Street,  N.  Y. 

City. 

194 


3  Dr.  B.  Leonardos,  Director  Museum  of  Inscriptions, 
Athens,  Greece. 

i  Dr.  H.  F.  Lincoln,  U.  S.  A.,  Ft.  Apache,  Arizona. 

i  Dr.  Forbes  R.  McCreery,  123  E.  40th  Street,  N.  Y.  City. 

1  Miss  Agnes  McGinnis,  2368  Seventh  Avenue,  N.  Y.  City. 

1  Dr.  W.  Duncan  McKim,  1701  18th  Street  N.  W.,  Wash- 
ington,  D.   C. 

1  Dr.  C.  A.  McWilliams,  32  E.  53rd  Street,  N.  Y.  City. 

2  Dr.  Wm.  Mabon,  Wards  Island,  N.  Y.  City. 

1  Dr.  Chas.  O.  Maisch,  State  Infirmary,  Tewksbury,  Mass. 

1  Mr.  E.  A.  Manikas,  49  James  Street,  N.  Y.  City. 

1  Mr.  Edward  J.  Manning,  59  W.  76th  Street,  N.  Y.  City. 

3  Mr.  Wm.  Marko,  254  Bowery,  N.  Y.  City. 

1  Dr.  L.  D.  Mason,  171  Joralemon  Street,  Brooklyn,  N.  Y. 
1  Dr.  Charles  H.  May,  698  Madison  Avenue,  N.  Y.  City. 
5  Rev.  Isidore  Meister,  S.L.D.,  Marmaraneck,  N.  Y. 
1  Mrs.  Meixner,  476  Third  Avenue,  Astoria,  N.  Y. 

1  Dr.  Alfred  Melzer,  785  Madison  Avenue,  N.  Y.  City. 

2  Mr.  George  Merck,  Llewellyn  Park,  West  Orange,  N.  J. 
1  Mr.  Frank  Miglis,  1-5  New  Bowery,  N.  Y.  City. 

1  Dr.  Kenneth  W.  Millican,  London,  England. 

1  Mrs.  Maria  G.  Minekakis,  153  W.  22nd  Street,  N.  Y.  City. 

2  Mr.  Epominondas  Minekakis,  366  Sixth  Avenue,  N.  Y.  City. 
1  Professor  P.  D.  de  Monthule,  97  Hamilton  Place,  N.  Y. 

City. 
1  Dr.  Robert  T.  Morris,  616  Madison  Avenue,  N.  Y.  City. 
1  Dr.  Wm.  J.  Morton,  19  E.  28th  Street,  N.  Y.  City. 
1  Dr.  J.  B.  Murphy,  104  So.  Michigan  Avenue,  Chicago,  111. 

1  Miss  Mary  Murphy,  233  Eighth  Street,  Jersey  City,  N.  J. 

2  Mr.  Wm.  Neisel,  44-60  E.  23rd  Street.  N.  Y.  City. 

2  Dr.   Rupert  Norton,  Johns  Hopkins  Hospital,  Baltimore, 

Md. 
1  Dr.  M.  C.  O'Brien,  161  W.  122nd  Street,  N.  Y.  City. 
1  Mr.  Adolf  Olson,  383  E.  136th  Street,  N.  Y.  City. 
1  Mr.  O.  G.  Orr,  37  Wall  Street,  N.  Y.  City. 
1  Dr.  Francis  R.  Packard,  302  S.  19th  Street,  Philadelphia, 

Pa. 
1  Dr.  Charles  E.  Page,  120  Tremont  Street,  Boston,  Mass. 
1  Dr.  Roswell  Park,  510  Delaware  Avenue,  Buffalo,  N.  Y. 
1  Dr.  Ralph  L.  Parsons,  Ossining,  N.  Y. 
1  Mr.  E.  B.  Pettel,  308  E.  15th  Street,  N.  Y.  City. 

195 


i  Dr.  Daniel  J.  Phelan,  123  W.  94th  Street,  N.  Y.  City. 

I  Dr.  C.  W.  Pilgrim,  Poughkeepsie,  N.  Y. 

1  Dr.  J.  L.  Pomeroy,  212  Am.  Nat.  Bank,  Monrovia,  Cal. 

1  Dr.  R.  S.  Porter,  Captain  Med.  Corps,  U.  S.  A.,  Fort 
Wm.  H.  Seward,  Alaska. 

1  Dr.  M.  Rabinowitz,  1261  Madison  Avenue,  N.  Y.  City. 

1  Dr.  Chas.  Rayersky,  Liberty,  N.  Y. 

1  Dr.  R.  G.  Reese,  50  W.  52nd  Street,  N.  Y.  City. 

1  Dr.  Pius  Renn,  171  W.  95th  Street,  N.  Y.  City. 

1  Miss  Jennie  M.  Rich,  624  S.  Washington  Square,  Phila- 
delphia, Pa. 

1  Dr.  Jno.  D.  Riley,  Mahanoy  City,  Pa. 

I  Dr.  A.  Ripperger,  616  Madison  Avenue,  N.  Y.  City. 

1  Dr.  John  A.  Robinson,  40  E.  41st  Street,  N.  Y.  City. 

2  Mr.  Hermann  Roder,  366  Central  Avenue,  Jersey  City,  N.  J. 
1  Dr.  Max  Rosenthal,  26  W.  90th  Street,  N.  Y.  City. 

1  Mr.  Gregory  Santos,  32  Madison  Street,  N.  Y.  City. 

1  Dr.  Thos.  E.  Satterthwaite,  7  E.  80th  Street,  N.  Y.  City. 

1  Dr.  Reginald  H.  Sayre,  14  W.  48th  Street,  N.  Y.  City. 

1  Mr.  M.  F.  Schlesinger,  47  Third  Avenue,  N.  Y.  City. 

1  Dr.  W.  S.  Schley,  24  W.  45th  Street,  N.  Y.  City. 

1  Mrs.  Schoenfeld,  374  Washington  Avenue,  Astoria,  N.  Y. 

1  Dr.  G.  Schroeder,  Schoemberg  O.  A.  Neuenburg,  Wuert- 

temberg,  Germany. 
1  Dr.  P.  David  Schultz,  601  W.  156th  Street,  N.  Y.  City. 
1  Dr.  E.  S.  Sherman,  20  Central  Avenue,  Newark,  N.  J. 
1  Mr.  James  S.  Smitzes,  Tarpon  Springs,  Fla. 
1  Dr.  John  B.  Solley,  Jr.,  968  Lexington  Avenue,  N.  Y.  City. 
5  Messrs.  G.  E.  Stechert  &  Co.,  151-155  W.  25th  Street,  N.  Y. 

City. 
1  Dr.  Heinrich  Stern,  250  W.  73d  Street,  N.  Y.  City. 
1  Dr.  Geo.  David  Stewart,  61  W.  50th  Street,  N.  Y.  City. 
1  Dr.  Chas.  Stover,  Amsterdam,  N.  Y. 

3  Dr.  August  Adrian  Strasser,  115  Beech  Street,  Arlington, 

N.J. 
1  Dr.  Alfred  N.  Strouse,  79  W.  50th  Street,  N.  Y.  City. 
1  Surgeon  General's  Office,  Washington,  D.  C. 
1  Mr.  Fairchild  N.  Terry,  984  Simpson  Street,  N.  Y.  City. 
1  Mr.  Vasilios  Takis,  2060  E.  15th  Street,  Brooklyn,  N.  Y. 
1  Mr.  John  G.  Theophilos,  Coney  Island,  N.  Y. 
1  Dr.  Franz  Torek,  1021  Madison  Avenue,  N.  Y.  City. 

196 


I  Dr.   Ira  Otis  Tracy,   State  Hospital   Flatbush,   Brooklyn, 

N.  Y, 
i  Dr.  Henry  H.  Tyson,  47  W.  51st  Street,  N.  Y.  City. 
1  Professor  Dr.  H.  Vierordt,  Tuebingen,  Germany. 
1  Dr.  Hermann  Vieth,  Ludwigshafen,  Germany. 
1  Dr.  Agnes  C.  Vietor,  Trinity  Court,  Boston,  Mass. 
1  Mr.  George  Villios,  31  Oliver  Street,  N.  Y.  City. 
1  Mr.  John  Villios,  31  Oliver  Street,  N.  Y.  City. 
1  Dr.  Antonie  P.  Voislawsky,  128  W.  59th  Street,  N.  Y.  City. 

1  Dr.    Cornelius    Doremus    Van    Wagenen,    616    Madison 

Avenue,  N.  Y.  City. 

2  Rev.  Thos.  W.  Wallace,  921  Morris  Avenue,  N.  Y.  City. 
1  Dr.  Jas.  J.  Walsh,  110  W.  74th  Street,  N.  Y.  City. 

1  Dr.  Josephine  Walter,  61  W.  74th  Street,  N.  Y.  City. 
1  Dr.  Henry  W.  Wandles,  9  E.  39th  Street,  N.  Y.  City. 
1  Dr.  Freeman  F.  Ward,  616  Madison  Avenue,  N.  Y.  City. 

1  Dr.  Edward  J.  Ware,  121  W.  93rd  Street,  N.  Y.  City. 

2  Kommerzienrat  Richard  Weidner,  Gotha,  Germany. 
1  Dr.  Sara  Welt-Kakels,  71  E.  66th  Street,  N.  Y.  City. 

1  Dr.  H.  R.  Weston,  Lieut.  U.  S.  A.,  Key  West  Barracks,  Fla. 
1  Dr.  Thos.  H.  Willard,  1  Madison  Avenue,  N.  Y.  City. 
1  Dr.  M.  H.  Williams,  556  W.  150th  Street,  N.  Y.  City. 
I  Dr.  Linsly  R.  Williams,  882  Park  Avenue,  N.  Y.  City. 
1  Dr.  Frederick  N.  Wilson,  40  E.  41st  Street,  N.  Y.  City. 

1  Dr.  Fred.  Wise,  828  Lexington  Avenue,  N.  Y.  City. 

2  Mr.  A.  Wittemann,  250  Adams  Street.  Brooklyn,  N.  Y. 
1  Miss  E.  Wittemann,  17  Ocean  Terrace,  Stapleton,  S.  I. 
1  Dr.  David  G.  Yates,  79  W.  104th  Street,  N.  Y.  City. 

1  Professor  Dr.  Zimmerer,  Regensburg,  Germany. 

1  Mr.  H.  H.  Tebault,  624  Madison  Avenue. 

1  Dr.  R.  L.  Sutton,  U.  S.  N.,  Kansas  City,  Mo. 

1  Mr.  L.  Schwalbach,  12  Judge  Street,  Brooklyn,  N.  Y. 

1  Mr.  N.  Becker,  361  Crescent  Street,  Brooklyn,  N.  Y. 

1  Mr.  Anton  Emmert,  563  Hart  Street,  Brooklyn,  N.  Y. 

1  Dr.  Ernest  V.  Hubbard,  11  E.  48th  Street,  N.  Y.  City. 

1  Dr.  J.  A.  Koempel,  469  E.  156th  Street,  N.  Y.  City. 

1  Dr.  John    D.  Riley,  200  E.  Mahonoy  Ave.,  Mahonoy  City,  Pa. 

1  F.  Le  Roy  Satterlee,  6  W.  56th  Street,  N.  Y.  City. 

1  Dr.  P.  F.  Straub,  Major,  Med.  Corps,  U.  S.  Army,  Manila, 

P.  I. 
1  Dr.  John  McCoy,  157  W.  73rd  Street,  N.  Y.  City. 

197 


OTHER  BOOKS  BY  THE  AUTHOR. 
PHYSICIAN   VS.    BACTERIOLOGIST. 

BY  PROF.   O.   ROSENBACH,   M.   n 

Translated  from  the  German  by  Achilles  Rose,  M.  D., 
New  York. 

This  volume  embraces  Rosenbach's  discussion  on  the  clini- 
co-bacteriologic  and  hygienic  problems  based  on  original 
investigations.  They  represent  a  contest  against  the  over- 
growth of  bacteriology,  principally  against  the  overzealous 
enthusiasm  of  orthodox  bacteriologists. 

Partial  Contents — Significance  of  Animal  Experiments 
for  Pathology  and  Therapy,  The  Doctrine  of  Efficacy  of 
Specifics,  Disinfection  in  the  Test  Tube  and  in  the  Living 
Body,  Should  Drinking  Water  and  Milk  be  Sterilized?  In 
How  Far  Has  Bacteriology  Advanced  Diagnosis  and  Cleared 
Up  Aetiology?  The  Mutations  of  Therapeutic  Methods;  Stim- 
ulation, Reaction,  Predisposition;  Bacterial  Aetiology  of 
Pleurisy;  The  Significance  of  Sea  Sickness;  Pathogenesis  of 
Pulmonary  Phthisis;  Constitution  and  Therapy;  Care  of 
the  Mouth  in  the  Sick;  Some  Remarks  on  Influenza;  The 
Koch  Method;  The  Cholera  Question;  Infection;  Orotherapy; 
Undulations  of  Epidemics. 

The  Post  Graduate,  New  York:  "It  is  a  rich  storehouse 
for  every  physician  and  will  give  much  food  for  thought." 

i2mo,  Cloth.     455  Pages.      $1.50,  net;  By  Mail,  $1.66. 

CARBONIC  ACID  IN  MEDICINE. 

BY  ACHILLES  ROSE,   M.  D. 

It  sets  forth  facts  about  the  healing  qualities  of  carbonic 
acid  gas  which  were  known  centuries  ago  and  then  passed 
into  disuse  until  they  had  become  unjustly  forgotten. 

198 


The  Contents — The  Physiology  and  Chemistry  of  Respi- 
ration; History  of  the  Use  of  Carbonic  Acid  in  Therapeu- 
tics; Inflation  of  the  Large  Intestine  with  Carbonic-acid 
Gas  for  Diagnostic  Purposes;  The  Therapeutic  Effect  of 
Carbonic-acid  Gas  in  Chloriasis,  Asthma,  and  Emphysema 
of  the  Lungs,  in  the  Treatment  of  Dysentry  and  Mem- 
branous Enteritis  and  Colic,  Whooping-cough,  Gynecological 
Affections;  The  Effects  of  Carbonic-acid  Baths  on  the  Circu- 
lation; Rectal  Fistula  Promptly,  Completely,  and  Permanently 
Cured  by  Means  of  Carbonic-acid  Applications;  Carbonic-acid 
in  Chronic  Suppurative  Otitis  and  Dacryocystitis;  Carbonic- 
acid  Applications  in  Rhinitis. 

"  From  this  little  volume  the  practitioner  can  derive  much 
valuable  information,  while  the  physiologist  will  find  a  point 
of  departure  for  new  investigations." — The  Post-Graduate, 
New  York.  Illustrated.  i2mo.  Cloth,  268  Pages.  $1.00,  net; 
By  Mail,  $1.10. 


ATONIA  GASTRICA 

BY    DR.    ACHILLES    ROSE. 

Atonia  Gastrica,  by  which  term  is  understood  abdominal 
relaxation  and  ptosis  of  viscera,  is  a  subject  of  vast  impor- 
tance, as  has  been  proved  by  the  avalanche  of  literature  it 
has  caused  during  the  last  decade.  The  relation  of  some 
ailments  to  abdominal  relaxation  has  only  been  recognized 
since  the  author's  method  of  abdominal  strapping  has  been 
adopted  and  extensively  practised.  This  book  gives  in  attrac- 
tive form  all  we  know  in  regard  to  aetiology;  it  describes 
and  treats  on  the  significance  of  the  plaster  strapping  as 
the  most  rational  therapeutic  measure.  The  illustrations 
given  with  the  description  will  prove  of  much  practical  value 
to  those  who  wish  to  give  the  method  a  trial,  but  who  have 
not  had  the  opportunity  to  see  the  Rose  belt  applied. 

i2mo.  Cloth.     Price,  $1.00,  net. 

Funk  &  Wagnalls  Company,  Publishers,  44-60  East  Twenty- 
third  Street,  New  York. 


199 


MEDICAL  GREEK. 
Collection   of   Papers    On   Medical   Onomatology. 

By  Dr.  Achilles   Rose,  Honorary  Member  of  the  Medical 

Society  of  Athens.     Member  of  the  Committee 

on  Nomenclature  of  the  Medical 

Society  of  Athens. 

G.  E.  STECHERT  &  COMPANY,  151-155  West  25th  Street, 
New  York.     Price,  $1.00. 

Dr.  James  P.  Warbasse  of  Brooklyn,  N.  Y.,  wrote  con- 
cerning this  book :  "  I  am  much  in  sympathy  with  your 
efforts  to  secure  more  uniformity  and  correctness  in  our 
medical  words.  While  you  may  not  be  wholly  satisfied  with 
the  results  which  you  are  able  to  secure  or  with  the  recep- 
tion which  your  work  has  received  at  the  hands  of  your 
colleagues,  still  it  is  continually  bearing  fruit.  The  cam- 
paign which  you  have  carried  on  has  awakened  a  general 
and  widespread  interest  in  the  matter,  and  is  bound  to  accom- 
plish great  good.  I  have  read  with  much  interest  your  cor- 
respondence with  the  Academy  of  Medicine.  It  shows  an 
admirable  persistent  enthusiasm  on  one  hand  and  a  successful 
postponing  diplomacy  on  the  other." 

"For  the  work  done  by  you,  your  name  will  be  praised  by 
generations." 

In  order  to  understand  the  onomatology  question  in  medi- 
cine as  it  stands  at  present  one  has  to  read  this  book. 


CHRISTIAN  GREECE  AND  LIVING  GREEK. 

By  Dr.  Achilles  Rose. 

New  York: 

G.  E.  STECHERT  &  CO.,  151-155  West  25th  Street. 

Price,  $1.00. 

CONTENTS. 

Preface. — A  Political  Retrospect  on  Greece. — The  Hos- 
tility of  the  Great  European  Powers  towards  Greece 
Since  the  Establishment  of  the  Greek  Kingdom. — Pa- 
200 


cifico  Affair  and  Lord  Palmerston. — Cretan  Insurrec- 
tions.— Latest   War. — Greece's    Future,        .    pages    i-xiii. 

Chapter  I. — An  Historical  Sketch  of  Greek. — Relation  of 
the  Greek  of  To-day  to  the  Greek  of  the  Attic  Ora- 
tors.— Exposure  of  many  Erroneous  Views  which 
have  been   Prevailing  until   Recently,        .        .    page       I 

Chapter  II. — Proper  Pronounciation  of  Greek. — The 
Only  True  Historical  Pronounciation  is  the  One  of 
the  Greeks  of  To-day;  the  Erasmian  is  Arbitrary, 
Unscientific,   is   a   Monstrosity,  .        .        .    page    40 

Chapter  III. — The  Byzantines. — Misrepresentations  in 
Regard  to  Byzantine  History. — Our  Gratitude  due 
to  the  Byzantine  Empire, page     Jj 

Chapter  IV. — The  Greeks  under  Turkish  Bondage. — 
The  Misery  into  which  the  Greek  World  was  Thrown 
during  the  Centuries  of  Turkish  Bondage,  the  Won- 
derful Rising  of  the  Greek  People  from  the  Lethargy 
caused  by  Slavery,  and  their  Spiritual  and  Political 
Resurrection, page  131 

Chapter  V. — The  Greek  War  of  Independence,  and  the 
European  Powers.  —  The  most  Incomprehensible 
Wrongs  Done  to  the  Heroic  Greek  Race  by  the 
Powers  while  it  was  Struggling  for  Liberty  after 
Long  Centuries  of  Terrific  Vicissitudes,  under  Cir- 
cumstances which  Presented  More  Difficulties  than 
any  Other  Nation  had  Encountered. — Philhellen- 
ism, page  168 

Chapter  VI. — The  Kingdom  of  Greece  before  the  War 
of  1897. — Continuation  of  the  Hostility  towards  the 
Greeks  Since  a  Part,  Part  Only  of  the  Nation  was 
Set  Free, page  195 

Chapter  VII. — Greek  as  the  International  Language  of 
Physicians  and  Scholars  in  General. — The  Necessity 
of  Introducing  Better  Methods  of  Teaching  Greek  in 
Schools  in  Order  that  Greek  may  become  the  Inter- 
national Language  of  Scholars,  ....    page  226 

Epilogue. — Calumniations  Against  the  Greeks  of  To-day 
and  the  Refutation  of  These,      ....    page  269 

List   of   Subscribers, page  291 

201 


EXTRACTS  FROM  LETTERS  AND  REVIEWS  IN 
JOURNALS. 

His  Grace,  Archbishop  Corrigan,  New  York,  wrote  the 
day  after  having  received  the  book :  "  Dear  Doctor,  Many 
thanks  for  your  great  courtesy  in  sending  me  a  copy  of  your 
charming  work,  'Christian  Greece  and  Living  Greek.'  I 
have  already  begun  its  perusal,  the  chapter  on  the  proper 
'Pronunciation  of  Greek'  naturally  inviting  and  claiming 
immediate  attention.  I  think  you  laugh  Erasmus  out  of 
court.  Now  I  must  begin,  if  leisure  be  ever  afforded  me,  to 
dip  into  Greek  again,  to  learn  to  pronounce  your  noble  lan- 
guage correctly.  Congratulating  you  on  your  success,  and 
with  best  wishes,  I  am,  dear  Doctor, 

"  Very  faithfully  yours, 

"  M.  A.  Corrigan,  Archbishop." 

Dr.  Achilles  Rose. 

S.  Stanhope  Orris,  Professor  of  Greek  in  Princeton  Uni- 
versity, who  was  Director  of  the  American  School  at  Athens 
from  1888  to  1889,  who  kindly  revised  the  manuscript,  wrote : 

"  I  think  that  the  impression  which  the  manuscript  has  made 
on  my  mind  will  be  made  on  the  minds  of  all  who  read  your 
book — that  it  is  the  production  of  an  able,  laborious,  enthu- 
siastic, scholarly  man,  who  deserves  the  gratitude  and  admira- 
tion of  all  who  labor  to  perpetuate  an  interest  in  the  language, 
literature,   and  history   of   Greece." 

Again,  after  having  received  the  book,  the  same  Philhellene 
writes  to  the  author :  "  Professor  Cameron,  my  colleague, 
who  has  glanced  at  the  book,  pronounces  it  eloquent,  as  I  also 
do,  and  unites  with  me  in  ordering  a  copy  for  our  University 
Library." 

Hon.  Eben  Alexander,  former  United  States  Minister  to 
Greece,  Professor  of  Greek,  North  Carolina  University :  "  My 

202 


dear  Dr.  Rose,  The  five  copies  have  been  received,  and  I  en- 
close check  in  payment.  ...  I  am  greatly  pleased  with  the 
book.  It  shows  everywhere  the  fruit  of  your  far-reaching 
studies,  and  your  own  enthusiastic  interest  has  enabled  you 
to  state  the  facts  in  a  strongly  interesting  way.  I  hope  that 
it  will  meet  with  favor.  I  wonder  whether  you  have  sent 
a  copy  to  the  King?  He  would  like  to  see  it,  I  know.  .  .  . 
I  am  sincerely  your  friend." 

William  F.  Swahler,  Professor  of  Greek,  De  Pauw  Uni- 
versity, Greencastle,  Ind.,  writes :  "  I  received  the  book  to- 
day in  fine  order,  and  am  much  pleased  so  far  as  I  have  had 
time  to  peruse  the  same." 

Thomas  Carter,  Professor  of  Greek  and  Latin,  Centenary 
College,  Jackson,  La.,  writes :  "Am  highly  delighted  with 
Dr.  Rose's  work;  have  not  had  the  time  to  read  it  all  yet, 
but  from  what  I  have  been  able  to  get  over,  am  more  than 
ever  convinced  of  his  accurate  learning,  his  profound  scholar- 
ship, and  his  devoted  enthusiasm  for  his  beloved  Hellas." 

A.  V.  Williams  Jackson,  Professor  of  Oriental  Languages, 
Columbia  University,  New  York :  "  The  welcome  volume  ar- 
rived this  morning  and  is  cordially  appreciated.  This  note 
is  to  express  my  thanks  and  to  extend  best  wishes  for  con- 
tinued success." 

Mr.  John  C.  Palmaris,  of  Chicago :  "  Evyvwuwvibv  "Eyy-qv. 
Dr.  Achilles  Rose.  Dear  Sir,  Allow  me  to  express  my  thanks 
from  the  bottom  of  my  heart  as  a  Greek  for  your  sincere 
love  for  my  beloved  country  'Hellas/  and  to  congratulate 
you  for  your  noble  philological  and  precious  work,  '  Chris- 
tian Greece  and  Living  Greek/  with  the  true  Gnomikon. 
'It  is  shameful  to  defame  Greece  continually/  I  received 
to-day  the  three  copies  for  me  and  one  for  my  brother-in- 
law  (Prince  Rodokanakis),  which  I  despatched  immediately 
to  Syra." 

Dr.  A.  F.  Currier,  New  York :  "  Dear  Dr.  Rose,  I  received 
your  book  with  great  pleasure.  It  is  very  attractively  made 
up,  and  I  am  looking  forward  to  the  pleasure  of  reading  it. 
As  I  get  older  I  am  astonished  at  the  charm  with  which 
memory  recalls  history,  myth,  and  poetry  in  the  study  of  the 

203 


classics  long  ago.      With  sincerest  wishes  for  your  success, 
believe  me  yours,  Philhellenically." 

C.  Everett  Con  ant,  Professor  of  Greek  and  Latin,  Lincoln 
University,  Lincoln,  111.:  "I  wish  personally  to  thank  you 
for  the  effort  you  are  making  to  set  before  us  Americans 
the  true  status  of  the  modern  Greek  language  in  its  relation 
with  the  classic  speech  of  Pericles*  day.  With  best  wishes 
for  the  success  of  your  laudable  undertaking,  I  am  cordially 
yours." 

Mr.  H.  E.  S.  Slagenhaup,  Taneytown,  Md. :  "  Dr.  Achilles 
Rose.  Dear  Sir,  Your  book,  'Christian  Greece  and  Living 
Greek,'  reached  me  this  morning.  Although  it  arrived  only 
this  morning  I  have  already  read  the  greater  part  of  it.  It 
is  a  work  for  which  every  Philhellene  must  feel  truly  grate- 
ful to  you.  Not  only  do  I  admire  the  care,  the  industry,  and 
the  scholarly  research  which  are  evident  on  every  page  of 
this  valuable  exposition  of  Hellenism  and  Philhellenism,  but 
I  most  heartily  indorse  every  sentiment  expressed  in  it.  1 
rejoice  that  such  a  book  has  appeared;  I  hope  it  may  have 
a  wide  influence  favorable  to  the  just  cause  of  Hellas;  and  I 
pledge  myself  to  render  whatever  assistance  may  lie  in  my 
power  in  the  furtherance  of  that  cause.  The  disasters  of  the 
past  year  have  in  no  wise  shaken  my  faith  in  the  Hellenic 
race;  on  the  contrary,  they  have  increased  my  admiration  for 
the  brave  people  who  undertook  a  war  against  such  odds 
in  behalf  of  their  oppressed  brethren;  and  I  believe  that  the 
cause  which  sustained  such  regrettable  defeats  on  the  plains 
of  Thessaly  last  year  will  eventually  triumph  in  spite  of  oppo- 
sition." 

Franklin  B.  Stephenson,  M.  D.,  Surgeon  United  States 
Navy.  "United  States  Marine  Corps  Recruiting  Office,  Bos- 
ton :  My  dear  Doctor,  Permit  me  to  write  you  of  my  pleas- 
ure and  satisfaction  in  reading  your  excellent  book  on 
Christian  Greece  and  Greek;  and  to  express  my  appreciation 
of  the  clear  and  vivid  manner  in  which  you  have  portrayed 
the  life  and  work  of  the  Hellenes,  who  have  done  so  much 
in  preserving  and  transmitting  to  us  the  learning  in  science 
and  art  of  the  ancient  world.  .  .  .  Your  reference  to  the  emi- 
nent professor  of  Greek  who  said  that  there  was  'no  literature 

204 


in  modern  Greek  worthy  of  the  name/  reminds  me  of  the 
remark  of  a  man,  prominent  in  financial  and  social  circles, 
who  told  me  that  there  was  nothing  in  Russian  to  make  it 
worth  while  studying  the  language  [Dr.  Stephenson  is  a  well- 
known  linguist — mastering  eight  languages,  Russian  among 
them].  I  wish  you  all  success  in  the  work  of  letting  the  light 
of  truth,  as  to  Greek,  shine  in  the  minds  of  those  who  do  not 
know  their  own  ignorance." 

Mortimer  Lamson  Earle,  Professor  Bryn  Mawr  College, 
Bryn  Mawr,  Pa.,  who  mastered  so  well  the  living  Greek 
language  that  Greeks  of  education  pronounce  their  admira- 
tion of  his  elegant  style,  saying  that  it  is  most  wonderful  how 
well  a  foreigner  writes  their  own  language :  "  The  book  has 
been  duly  received,  but  I  have  not  as  yet  had  time  to  read 
all  of  it.  However,  I  have  read  enough  to  know  that,  though 
I  differ  with  you  in  many  details,  I  am  heartily  in  accord 
with  you  in  earnestly  supporting  the  cause  of  a  people  and 
language  to  which  I  am  sincerely  attached.  I  am  glad  that 
you  speak  so  highly  in  praise  of  the  Klephtic  songs.  I  hope 
that  your  book  may  do  much  good." 

Louis  F.  Anderson,  Professor  of  Greek,  Whitman  College, 
Walla  Walla,  Wash. :  "  From  my  rapid  inspection  I  regard 
it  as  superior  even  to  my  anticipations.  I  trust  that  it  will 
have  an  extensive  sale  and  corresponding  influence.  It  is 
the  book  needed  just  now.  I  hope  to  write  more  in  the 
future." 

Mr.  C.  Mehltretter,  New  York:  "After  due  reading  of 
your  book  I  feel  it  my  duty  to  congratulate  you  on  same. 
True,  you  may  have  received  so  many  congratulatory  notes 
that  the  layman's  opinion  will  be  of  little  value.  Nevertheless, 
I  can  assure  you  the  perusal  of  your  book  caused  me  more 
pleasure  and  instruction  than  any  other  I  heretofore  read  on 
the  subject.  I  assure  you  it  will  find  a  prominent  place  in 
my  library,  and  any  time  in  future  you  should  again  write 
on  any  subject  consider  me  one  of  your  subscribers." 

William  J.  Seelye,  Professor  of  Greek,  University  of 
Wooster,  Ohio :  "  Dr.  Rose's  book  received  yesterday.  I 
have  already  read  enough  to  see  that  the  author  is  not  only 
full  of  his  subject,  but  treats  it  with  judicial  mind," 

205 


Joseph  Collins,  M.  D.,  Professor  Post-Graduate  School  of 
Medicine,  New  York :  "  The  chapters  of  your  book  that 
I  have   read  have  been   entertaining  and  instructive.', 

Isaac  A.  Parker,  Professor  of  Greek  and  Latin,  Lombard 
University,  Galesburg,  111. :  "  I  wish  to  say  to  Dr.  Rose  that, 
although  I  have  yet  had  time  only  to  glance  hastily  at  the 
book,  the  few  sentences  which  I  have  read  have  interested 
me  very  much,  and  it  will  give  me  much  pleasure  to  give  it 
a  careful  perusal,  as  I  see  that  it  contains  much  valuable  in- 
formation. The  thanks  of  those  interested  in  Greece  and 
Greek  literature  are  due  to  Dr.  Rose  for  giving  them  this 
book.      Praise  is  due  to  the  printer  for  his  excellent  work." 

Charles  R.  Pepper,  Professor  Central  University,  Rich- 
mond, Ky. :  "Your  book,  '  Christian  Greece  and  Living 
Greek/  came  duly  to  hand.  I  am  much  pleased  with  it.  I 
hope  the  interest  of  the  Philhellenes  in  the  United  States 
may  be  quickened  to  a  livelier  degree  in  Greece  and  Greek 
affairs,  and  that  your  book  may  accomplish  a  good  work 
in  putting  before  the  people  generally  the  claims  of  Hellas 
to  the  gratitude,  love,  and  admiration  of  the  civilized  world." 

[From  the  Troy  Daily  Times,  Feb.  7,  1898.] 
"  Christian  Greece  and  Living  Greek,"  by  Dr.  Achilles 
Rose.  In  view  of  the  Hellenic  defeat  in  the  war  with  Turkey 
a  year  ago  the  future  of  Greece  to  many  minds  is  rather 
vague  and  clouded.  This  idea  is  due  to  lack  of  knowledge 
of  Greece  history  and  character.  Were  Americans  more  fa- 
miliar with  the  character  of  the  Hellenes  and  their  traditions 
none  would  doubt  that  the  descendants  of  those  great  figures 
of  the  heroic  age  have  a  mission  before  them  and  that  this 
mission  will  be  accomplished  in  spite  of  Turkish  bullets  and 
the  selfishness  of  the  other  European  powers.  Dr.  Rose  in 
this  volume  offers  a  clear  presentation  of  the  condition  of 
Greece  at  the  present  time.  His  work  deals  not  only  with 
the  nation,  but  with  the  language,  and  the  history  of  each 
is  traced  from  its  earliest  beginnings  down  to  the  present 
time.  The  reading  of  this  book  will  afford  a  much  clearer 
understanding  of  the  causes  leading  to  the  war  of  1897  than 
is  generally  possessed.  Of  especial  interest  is  an  introduction 
written  by  one  of  the  best  known  Greeks  now  resident  in 
this   country,   who   reviews   the   causes   leading  to   the  great 

206 


war,  and  clearly  shows  the  shamefulness  of  the  course  pur- 
sued by  the  great  European  powers  in  leaving  Hellas  to  her 
fate.  Some  of  the  statements  made  are  significant,  notably 
the  following:  "If  Greece  has  sinned,  it  was  on  the  side  of 
compassion  for  her  oppressed  children  and  coreligionists.  She 
is  bleeding  from  every  pore  of  her  mutilated  body,  but  there 
is  a  Nemesis  which  sooner  or  later  will  overtake  those  who 
rejoice  now  at  her  defeat  and  humiliation."  New  York :  Peri 
Hellados  Publishing  Office. 

From  Rev.  Henry  A.  Buttz,  Dean  Theological  Seminary, 
Madison,  N.  J. :  "  My  dear  Sir,  I  have  read  with  interest 
your  book  'Christian  Greece  and  Living  Greek,'  and  have 
found  it  full  of  valuable  suggestion.  It  discusses  many 
points  of  great  interest,  giving  a  more  correct  view  of  the 
true  condition  of  the  Greece  of  to-day  and  of  its  relation  to 
its  glorious  past.  I  am  especially  pleased  with  your  forcible 
putting  of  the  importance  of  adopting  the  modern  Greek  pro- 
nunciation in  our  study  of  the  Greek  language.  I  wish  your 
book  a  wide  circulation." 

F.  A.  Packard,  M.  D.,  Kearney,  Neb. :  "  Dear  Sir  and 
Doctor,  Your  book  on  '  Christian  Greece  and  Living  Greek ' 
received.  I  must  say  it  is  a  grand  work  and  I  prize  it  highly 
and  consider  it  a  valuable  addition  to  my  library.  Wishing 
you  success,  etc." 

A.  Jacobi,  M.  D.,  Professor  Columbia  University :  *  Dear 
Dr.  Rose,  The  perusal  of  your  book  has  been  a  source  of 
much  pleasure  to  me.  If  Hellas  has  as  enthusiastic  men  and 
women  among  her  own  people  as  you  are,  a  friend  in  a  foreign 
nation,  she  will  have  a  promising  future." 

Mr.  Louis  Prang,  Boston,  Mass. :  " '  Christian  Greece  and 
Living  Greek'  has  given  me  not  only  great  pleasure  to  read 
but  I  have  learned  more  about  Greece,  as  it  was  and  as  it 
really  is,  than  I  ever  knew  before.  Your  book  is  exceedingly 
valuable  to  a  man  like  me  who  desires  reliable  information 
on  this  very  interesting  people  and  who  lacks  the  time  for 
personal  investigation  or  much  book-reading,  which  after  all, 
to  judge  by  your  statements,  would  not  lead  to  a  correct 
appreciation  of  present  conditions.  Your  personal  experi- 
ence based  on  large  and  varied  observations  among  the  peo- 

207 


pie,  and  your  evidently  thorough  study  of  past  history  make 
your  judgment  acceptable,  and  your  manner  of  giving  it  to 
the  reader  is  eminently  interesting  and  engaging,  and  above 
all  convincing.  I  do  not  think  that  what  I  have  said  here 
will  be  of  much  interest  or  satisfaction  to  you,  as  coming 
from  a  simple  business  man,  but  I  wished  to  thank  you  for 
the  enjoyment  your  book  has  given  me  and  to  tell  you  that 
you  have  made  at  least  one  convert  for  the  cause  of  living 
Greek." 

A  Greek  Lady,  living  in  Cairo,  Egypt,  writes  to  her  father : 
"  I  thank  you  above  all  for  the  book  of  Dr.  Rose  you  were  so 
kind  as  to  send  me,  and  which  I  am  perusing  with  the  great- 
est interest.  One  can  see  that  Dr.  Rose  is  a  friend  of  our 
dear  country;  if  there  were  more  like  him  we  would  not  be 
so  run  down  by  ignorant  and  spiteful  people." 

[From  New  York  Medical  Journal,  March  $th,  1898.] 

Dr.  Rose's  well-known  enthusiasm  for  the  Greeks,  their 
country,  and  particularly  their  language  has  resulted  in  the 
production  of  a  very  interesting  book.  Physicians  will  nat- 
urally be  most  interested  in  the  concluding  chapter,  which 
treats  of  Greek  as  the  international  language  of  physicians 
and  scholars  in  general,  but  from  cover  to  cover  there  is 
nothing  commonplace  in  the  book;  it  is  quite  readable 
throughout.  We  congratulate  Dr.  Rose  on  the  appearance 
of  the  volume  in  so  attractive  a  form. 

[From  The  Independant,  March  24th,  1898.] 

Dr.  Rose  stands  forth  in  his  volume  the  champion  of  mod- 
ern Greece,  the  Greeks  and  their  wrongs.  He  tells  the  story 
as  it  has  been  developed  in  this  century,  and  recites  the  older 
history  and  appeals  to  the  intelligent  Christian  world  against 
the  Great  Assassin  of  Constantinople.  He  believes  the  mod- 
ern Greek  tongue  as  now  spoken  and  written  to  be  the  ideal 
one  for  international  intercourse,  especially  on  scientific  mat- 
ters, and  repudiates  the  Erasmian  method  of  pronunciation. 
His  account  of  the  Greeks  themselves  is  encouraging.  He 
claims  for  them  a  strict  morality.  Theft  he  declares  un- 
known, and  drunkenness.  The  book  is  certainly  eloquent  and 
inspiring. 

208 


[From  The  Living  Church,  Chicago,  March  19th,  1898.] 
This  is  a  most  interesting  book.  There  is  not  a  dull  page 
in  it.  It  is  made  up  of  various  lectures  delivered  by  the 
accomplished  author,  at  different  times,  on  the  Greek  lan- 
guage and  history.  Magnificent  as  Gibbon's  work  is  on  the 
Byzantine  Empire,  the  contemptuous  tone  he  uses  toward  it 
has  much  misled  modern  writers  and  readers  in  their  esti- 
mation of  that  wonderful  monarchy.  A  state  which  lasted  as 
that  did  in  the  face  of  so  many  difficulties,  could  not  have  been 
so  badly  governed  as  Gibbon  implies.  That  Dr.  Rose  shows,  and 
a  good,  English,  up-to-date  Byzantine  history  is  greatly  to  be 
desired.  Dr.  Rose's  account  of  the  Greek  struggle  for 
independence  is  vivid,  patriotic,  and  full  of  information  on  a 
subject  that  few  people  know  much  about.  The  most  inter- 
esting part  of  the  book  to  scholars  is  the  chapters  on  modern 
Greek.  Dr.  Rose  says :  "  The  living  Greek  of  to-day  shows 
much  less  deviation  from  the  Greek  of  two  thousand  and 
more  years  ago  than  any  other  European  language  shows  in 
the  course  of  centuries."  This  statement  will  surprise  many, 
but  it  is  literally  true.  Dr.  Rose  gives  the  history  of  the 
creation  of  the  modern  Greek  literary  language  on  the  lines 
of  classic  Greek,  and  he  advocates  the  use  of  modern  Greek, 
especially  in  the  matter  of  pronunciation,  in  teaching  classic 
Greek.  In  all  this  we  go  with  him  heartily,  and  his  views 
are  being  adopted  in  many  colleges  in  Europe  and  America. 

[From  the  Evangelist,  February  17th,  1898.] 
We  commend  this  book  to  all  who  would  know  what  the 
"  concert  of  European  powers"  means  to  a  struggling  king- 
dom and  people  used  as  a  "  buffer  state"  between  the  un- 
speakable Turk  and  civilized  "  Westerns."  The  historical 
chapters  of  the  work  are  a  revelation  of  the  intricacies  of 
"  the  disgraceful  deals  of  the  great  powers  whose  victim  the 
kingdom  of  Greece  has  been."  The  story  is  simply  told  with 
great  candor  and  quiet  reserve,  but  it  carries  a  lesson  that 
moves  the  heart  and  stirs  the  indignation  of  dispassionate 
and  perhaps  indifferent  observers.  How  hard  is  it  for  a 
people  like  the  Greeks  or  the  Armenians  to  get  a  hearing! 
What  "political  necessities"  demand  silence;  what  diplomatic 
falsehoods,  deceptions,  subterfuges  are  indulged  by  ministries 
and  cabinets  that  are  called  Christian !    The  history  of  Greece 

209 


from  the  fall  of  the  Byzantine  Empire  up  to  this  hour  is  a 
tragedy,  and  the  final  deliverance  in  1828  was  more  painfully 
sad  and  disappointing,  more  shamefully  mismanaged  and 
limited,  more  wretchedly  hampered  and  hindered  in  every  pos- 
sible way,  than  is  easily  conceivable,  considering  the  popular 
sentiment  roused  by  such  Philhellenes  as  Byron,  Erskine, 
Gladstone,  and  the  Genevan  banker  Eynard.  Think  of  the 
massacre  of  Chios,  and  then  hear  men  talking  of  Navarino  as 
a  blunder ! 

But  let  our  readers  turn  to  the  pages  of  Dr.  Rose's  book 
for  information.  There  is  a  historical  sketch  of  the  Byzan- 
tine Empire,  showing  the  most  extraordinary  misrepresenta- 
tions which  have  held  on  till  very  recently;  a  second  chapter 
exposes  the  "  erroneous  views  which  have  prevailed  in  regard 
to  the  relation  of  the  Greek  of  to-day  to  the  Greek  of  the 
classical  period,"  with  a  chapter  on  "  absurd  ideas  in  vogue 
in  regard  to  Greek  pronunciation";  a  fourth  chapter  gives 
the  misery  of  the  Turkish  bondage  and  "their  spiritual  and 
political  resurrection" ;  then  follows  one  on  the  wrongs  to 
the  Greeks  in  their  struggle  for  liberty,  in  which  some  Ameri- 
can shipping  firms  are  involved  and  "  Mr.  W.  J.  Stillman"  is 
pretty  severely  handled;  then  "the  kingdom  of  Greece  before 
the  war  of  1897,"  and  an  "  Epilogue,"  which  should  be  read 
before  Dr.  Hepworth  has  time  to  get  in  his  Armenian  dis- 
coveries. This  is  the  merest  hint  as  to  the  intrinsic  interest 
and  pertinency  of  the  book,  the  only  unprejudiced  and  pa- 
triotic plea  for  the  Greeks  which  has  escaped  the  censor- 
ship of  the  press  and  politics  and  politicians.  Let  the  Greeks 
be  heard!  Let  the  list  of  Philhellenes  grow  to  a  grand 
majority  in  Europe  and  America  that  shall  make  itself  heard 
in  behalf  of  justice  and  humanity! 

The  scholarly  chapters  are  as  admirable  as  the  statesman- 
like and  patriotic  ones.  They  should  lead  to  a  Greek  revival. 
We  think  the  university  wars  of  "  Greeks  and  Trojans"  might 
be   fought  over  again.      We  join  the   Greeks! 

His  Excellency  Kleon  Rangabe,  Greek  Ambassador  in 
Berlin,  writes :  "  Many  sencere  thanks  for  the  kind  trans- 
mission of  your  most  interesting  book.  ...  I  can  congratulate 
you  most  sincerely.  You  treat  all  the  important  subjects  in 
so  exhaustive  and  conclusive  a  manner  that  all  those  who 
seek   for  truth   must  necessarily  be  convinced.      We   are   in 

210 


consequence  indebted  to  you  for  a  valuable  service,  but  your 
own  American  countrymen  ought  also  to  be  thankful  to  you, 
for  every  apostle  of  truth  is  in  his  way  a  benefactor  of  hu- 
manity. I  hope  that  the  days  of  the  Erasmian  absurdity, 
which  belongs  to  the  Dark  Ages  and  is  unworthy  of  American 
scholars,  are  now  numbered.  I  hope  that  your  book  will  also 
appear  in  German  as  it  would  do  a  great  deal  of  good  here. 
What  you  say  about  the  system  applied  to  Greek  studies  in 
general  is  also  perfectly  correct.  These  studies  are  still  and 
will  always  be  the  soul  of  every  liberal  education,  and,  con- 
stantly undermined  by  the  materialistic  tendencies  of  the  age, 
they  can  only  be  saved  through  a  fundamental  change  of  this 
system.  The  language  must  henceforth  be  taught  as  a  living 
one,  having  never  ceased  to  live  for  a  moment  since  the  days 
of  Homer." 

Neologos,  an  Athenian  paper,  writes  a  long  article,  review- 
ing the  book  and  its  author's  works  in  general.  "  The  author's 
name  is  already  known  to  us  by  his  lectures  on  Greece  which 
have  been  published  here.  Mr.  Rose  belongs  to  those  who 
will  persevere  to  establish  an  idea;  obstacles  and  difficulties 
can  only  serve  to  such  characters  to  spur  their  ardor.  Mr. 
Rose  is  inspired  by  the  noble  idea  to  disseminate  a  better 
knowledge  of  Greece  of  to-day  and  to  enlist  sympathies  in 
her  behalf.  He  is  combating  the  influence  of  an  impossible 
Grecophobe  press.  People  abroad  will  change  their  opinion 
when  they  know  our  true  history,  our  character,  our  morals, 
customs,  etc." 

The  Publisher  of  this  Journal  has  Published  a  Greek 
Translation  of  the  Book. 

Other  Athenian  political  and  literary  journals  bring  like- 
wise reviews.  All  are  full  of  praise  of  the  author  and  his 
book.  The  editor  of  the  journal,  Salpinx,  of  Cyprus,  writes 
that  the  author's  name  is  engraved  in  the  hearts  of  Greeks. 

D.  B.  St.  John  Roosa,  M.  D.,  President  Post-Graduate 
Medical  School  and  Hospital,  New  York :  "  My  dear  Dr. 
Rose,  The  copy  of  the  important  work  written  by  you,  which 
has  just  been  published,  came  to  me  two  days  ago.  I  write 
to  thank  you,  and  again  to  express  my  sincere  interest  in 
your  book.  I  hope  you  may  live  to  see  it  successful.  A 
common  language  for  scientific  men  is  indeed  a  great  need. 
Yours  ever  faithfully." 

211 


B.  T.  Spencer,  A.  M.,  Professor  of  Greek,  Kentucky  Wes- 
leyan  College :  "  I  am  deeply  interested  in  the  subject  and 
feel  that  that  interest  has  been  intensified  by  reading  Dr. 
Rose's  book.      All  the  friends  of  Hellas  should  read  it." 

Dr.  James  T.  Whittaker,  Cincinnati,  Ohio :  "  I  am  en- 
joying your  book  very  much  and  have  just  finished  the  chap- 
ter concerning  the  Greeks  under  Turkish  bondage,  which  is 
the  most  interesting  description  of  this  subject  which  I  have 
ever  seen." 

Knut  Hoegh,  M.  D.,  Minneapolis,  Minn. :  "  Your  book 
came  one  mail  after  your  letter;  I  went  to  a  medical  meet- 
ing in  the  evening;  during  my  absence  my  oldest  daughter 
read  the  book,  and  on  my  return,  when  I  opened  the  door, 
she  told  me  how  well  she  liked  it.  I  had  to  sit  down  and 
read  it,  and  I  did  so  until  far  out  in  the  small  hours.  I 
must  say  that  the  book  opened  new  views  to  me,  and  I  am 
sorry  that  I  did  not  know  the  many  valuable  facts  contained 
in  it  when  I  was  in  Berlin  last  year,  when  you  know  the  wind 
that  was  blowing  was  anything  but  Philhellenic.  What  a  forci- 
ble argument  against  the  prevailing  order  of  things  in  Europe 
is  the  whole  Eastern  question ! 

A  German  translation  under  the  title :  Die  Griechen  und 
ihre  Sprache  seit  der  Zeit  Konstantin's  des  Grossen,  has  been 
published  in  Leipzig  Verlag  von  Wilhelm  Friedrich,  1899. 


212 


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